Chicano English
Canada:
Canadian English
|
Newfoundland English
|
Quebec English
|
Oceania:
Australian English |
New Zealand English
|
Asia:
Hong Kong English
|
Indian English
|
Malaysian English
|
Philippine English
|
Singaporean English
|
Sri Lankan English
|
Other countries:
Bermudian English
|
Caribbean English
|
Jamaican English
|
Liberian English
|
Malawian English |
South African English
|
Miscellaneous:
Basic English |
Commonwealth English
|
Globish |
International English
|
Plain English |
Simplified English
|
Special English
|
Standard English
|
The expansiveness of the British and the Americans has spread
English throughout the globe. Because of its global spread, it has bred
a variety of English dialects and English-based creoles and pidgins.
The major varieties of English in most cases contain several subvarieties,
such as Cockney within British English, Newfoundland English
within Canadian English, and African American Vernacular English ("Ebonics")
within American English. English is considered a pluricentric language,
with no variety being clearly considered the only standard.
Some consider Scots as an English dialect. Pronunciation, grammar
and lexis differ, sometimes substantially.
Because of English's wide use as a second language, English speakers
can have many different accents, which may identify the speaker's
native dialect or language. For more distinctive characteristics of
regional accents, see Regional accents of English speakers. For more
distinctive characteristics of regional dialects, see List of dialects
of the English language.
Just as English itself has borrowed words from many different
languages over its history, English loanwords now appear in a great
many languages around the world, indicative of the technological and
cultural influence wielded by English speakers. Several pidgins and
creoles have formed on an English base - Tok Pisin was originally one
such example. There are a number of words in English coined to describe
forms of particular non-English languages that contain a very high proportion
of English words - Franglais, for example, is used to describe French
with a very high English content.
English phonology
Vowels
IPA |
Description
|
word
|
monophthongs |
i/iː |
Close front unrounded vowel |
bead |
ɪ |
Near-close near-front unrounded
vowel |
bid |
ɛ |
Open-mid front unrounded vowel |
bed |
æ |
Near-open front unrounded
vowel |
bad |
ɒ |
Open back rounded vowel |
bod 1 |
ɔ |
Open-mid back rounded vowel |
pawed 2 |
ɑ/ɑː |
Open back unrounded vowel |
bra |
ʊ |
Near-close near-back rounded
vowel |
good |
u/uː |
Close back rounded vowel |
booed |
ʌ/ɐ |
Open-mid back unrounded vowel, Near-open central vowel |
bud |
ɝ/ɜː |
Open-mid central unrounded
vowel |
bird 3 |
ə |
Schwa |
Rosa's 4 |
ɨ |
Close central unrounded vowel |
roses 5 |
diphthongs |
eɪ |
Close-mid front unrounded
vowel
Close front unrounded vowel |
bayed |
oʊ/əʊ |
Close-mid back rounded vowel
Near-close near-back rounded vowel |
bode |
aɪ |
Open front unrounded vowel
Near-close near-front rounded vowel |
buy |
aʊ |
Open front unrounded vowel
Near-close near-back rounded vowel |
bough |
ɔɪ |
Open-mid back rounded vowel
Close front unrounded vowel |
boy |
Where symbols appear in pairs, the first corresponds to the sounds
used in North American English, the second corresponds to English
spoken elsewhere. 5
- North American English lacks
this sound; words with this sound are pronounced with /ɑ/ or /ɔ/. According to The Canadian Oxford Dictionary (1998),
this sound is present in Standard Canadian English.
- Many dialects of North American
English do not have this vowel. See Cot-caught merger.
- The North American variation
of this sound is a rhotic vowel.
- Many speakers of North American
English do not distinguish between these two unstressed vowels. For them, roses and Rosa's are pronounced the same, and the symbol usually
used is schwa /ə/.
- This sound is often transcribed
with /i/ or with /ɪ/.
- The letter U can represent either /u/ or the iotated vowel /ju/.
Consonants
This is the English Consonantal System using symbols from the
International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA).
|
bilabial |
labio-
dental |
dental |
alveolar |
post-
alveolar |
palatal |
velar |
glottal |
plosive |
p b |
|
|
t d |
|
|
k g |
|
nasal |
m |
|
|
n |
|
|
ŋ 1 |
|
flap |
|
|
|
ɾ 2 |
|
|
|
|
fricative |
|
f v |
θ ð 3 |
s z |
ʃ ʒ 4 |
|
x 5 |
h |
affricate |
|
|
|
|
tʃ dʒ 4 |
|
|
|
approximant |
|
|
|
ɹ 4 |
|
j |
|
|
lateral
approximant |
|
|
|
l, ɫ |
|
|
|
|
|
labial-velar |
approximant |
ʍ w6 |
- The velar nasal [ŋ] is a non-phonemic allophone of /n/ in some northerly
British accents, appearing only before /g/. In all other dialects it is a separate
phoneme, although it only occurs in syllable codas.
- The alveolar flap [ɾ] is an allophone of /t/ and /d/ in unstressed syllables
in North American English and increasingly in Australian English. This is the sound of "tt" or "dd" in
the words latter and ladder, which are homophones in North American English.
This is the same sound represented by single "r" in some varieties
of Spanish.
- In some dialects, such as Cockney, the interdentals /θ/ and /ð/ are usually merged with /f/ and /v/, and in others, like African American Vernacular English, /ð/ is merged with /d/. In some Irish varieties, /θ/ and /ð/ become the corresponding dental plosives, which
then contrast with the usual alveolar plosives.
- The sounds /ʃ/, /ʒ/, and /ɹ/ are labialised in some dialects. Labialisation is
never contrastive in initial position and therefore is sometimes not
transcribed.
- The voiceless velar fricative /x/ is used only by Scottish or Welsh speakers of
English for Scots/Gaelic words such as loch /lɒx/ or by some speakers for loanwords from German and
Hebrew like Bach /bax/ or Chanukah /xanuka/, or in some dialects such as Scouse (Liverpool) where the affricate [kx] is used instead of /k/ in words such as docker /dɒkxə/. Most native speakers have a great deal of trouble pronouncing
it correctly when learning a foreign language. Most speakers use the sounds [k] and [h] instead.
- Voiceless w [ʍ] is found in Scottish, Irish, some upper-class British,
some eastern United States, and New Zealand accents. In all other dialects it is merged with /w/.
Voicing and Aspiration
Voicing and aspiration of stop consonants in English depend
on dialect and context, but a few general rules can be given:
- Voiceless plosives and affricates (/p/, /t/, /k/, and /tʃ/) are aspirated when they are word-initial or begin
a stressed syllable and are not part of a consonant cluster—compare pin [pʰɪn] and spin [spɪn].
- In some dialects, aspiration
extends to unstressed syllables as well.
- In other dialects, such as Indian English, most or all voiceless stops may remain unaspirated.
- Word-initial voiced plosives
may be devoiced in some dialects.
- Word-terminal voiceless plosives
may be unreleased or accompanied by a glottal stop in some dialects
(e.g. many varieties of American English)—examples: tap [tʰæp̚], sack [sæk̚].
- Word-terminal voiced plosives
may be devoiced in some dialects (e.g. some varieties of American English)—examples: sad [sæd̥], bag [bæɡ̊]. In other dialects they are fully voiced in final
position, but only partially voiced in initial position.
Intonation
Tone groups
English is an intonation language. This means that the pitch
of the voice is used syntactically, for example, to convey surprise
and irony, or to change a statement into a question.
In English, intonation patterns
are on groups of words, which are called tone groups, tone units, intonation
groups or sense groups. Tone groups are said on a single breath and,
as a consequence, are of limited length, more often being on average
five words long or lasting roughly two seconds. The structure of tone
groups can have a crucial impact on the meaning of what is said. For
example:
-/duː juː niːd ˈɛnɪˌθɪŋ/ Do you need anything?
-/aɪ dəʊnt | nəʊ/ ''I don't, no''
-/aɪ dəʊnt nəʊ/ I don't know
Characteristics of intonation
Each tone group can be subdivided into syllables, which can
either be stressed (strong) or unstressed (weak). There is always a
strong syllable, which is stressed more than the others. This is called
the nuclear syllable. For example:
That |
was | the | best | thing | you | could | have
| done!
Here, all syllables are unstressed, except the syllables/words "best"
and "done", which are stressed. "Best" is stressed
harder and, therefore, is the nuclear syllable.
The nuclear syllable carries the main point the speaker wishes
to make. For example:
John had stolen that money. (... not I)
John had stolen that money. (... you said he hadn't)
John had stolen that money. (... he wasn't given it)
John had
stolen that money. (... not this money)
John had
stolen that money. (... not something else)
The nuclear syllable is spoken louder than all the others and has
a characteristic change of pitch. The changes of pitch most commonly encountered
in English are the rising pitch and the falling pitch, although the fall-rising pitch and/or the rise-falling pitch are sometimes used. For example:
When do
you want to be paid?
Nów? (rising pitch. In this case, it denotes a question:
can I be paid now?)
Nòw (falling pitch. In this case, it denotes a statement:
I choose to be paid now)
Grammar
English grammar
English grammar displays minimal inflection compared with some
other Indo-European languages. For example, Modern English, unlike Modern
German or Dutch and the Romance languages, lacks grammatical gender
and adjectival agreement. Case marking has almost disappeared from the
language and mainly survives in pronouns. The patterning of strong (eg. speak/spoke/spoken) versus weak verbs inherited from Germanic
has declined in importance and the remnants of inflection (such as plural
marking) have become more regular.
At the same time as inflection has declined in importance in English,
the language has developed a greater reliance on features such as
modal verbs and word order to convey grammatical information. Auxiliary
verbs are used to mark constructions such as questions, negatives, the
passive voice and progressive tenses.
Vocabulary
Almost without exception, Germanic words (which include all the basics
such as pronouns and conjunctions) are shorter and more informal.
Latinate words are regarded as more elegant or educated. However, the
excessive use of Latinate words is often mistaken for either pretentiousness
(as in the stereotypical policeman's talk of "apprehending the
suspect") or obfuscation (as in a military document which says
"neutralise" when it means "kill"). George Orwell's
essay "Politics and the English Language" gives a thorough
treatment of this feature of English.
An English speaker is often able to choose between Germanic and Latinate
synonyms: "come" or "arrive"; "sight"
or "vision"; "freedom" or "liberty"—and
sometimes also between a word inherited through French and a borrowing
direct from Latin of the same root word: "oversee", "survey"
or "supervise". The richness of the language is that such
synonyms have slightly different meanings, enabling the language to
be used in a very flexible way to express fine variations or shades
of thought. See: List of Germanic and Latinate equivalents.
An exception to this and a peculiararity arguably unique of English
is that the nouns for meats are commonly different from and unrelated
to those for the animals from which they are produced, the animal commonly
having a Germanic name and the meat having a French derived noun. Examples
include deer and venison, ox or cow and beef, or swine and pork. This
is assumed to be a result of the aftermath of the Norman invasion where
a French speaking elite were the consumers of the meat, produced by
English speaking lower classes.
In everyday speech, the majority of words will normally be
Germanic. If a speaker wishes to make a forceful point in an argument
in a very blunt way, Germanic words will usually be chosen. A majority
of Latinate words (or at least a majority of content words) will normally
be used in more formal speech and writing, such as a courtroom or an
encyclopedia article.
English is noted for the vast size of its active vocabulary and its
fluidity. English easily accepts technical terms into common usage and
imports new words which often come into common usage. In addition,
slang provides new meanings for old words. In fact this fluidity is
so pronounced that a distinction often needs to be made between formal
forms of English and contemporary usage. See also sociolinguistics.6
Number of words in English
As the General Explanations at the beginning of the Oxford English
Dictionary state:
The Vocabulary of a widely
diffused and highly cultivated living language is not a fixed quantity
circumscribed by definite limits.... there is absolutely no defining
line in any direction: the circle of the English language has a
well-defined centre but no discernible circumference.
The vocabulary of English is undoubtedly vast, but assigning a specific
number to its size is more a matter of definition than of calculation.
Unlike other languages, there is no Academy to define officially
accepted words. Neologisms are coined regularly in medicine, science
and technology—some enter wide usage; others remain restricted to
small circles. Foreign words used in immigrant communities often make
their way into wider English usage. Archaic, dialectal, and regional
words might be considered as "English" or not.
The Oxford English Dictionary (2nd edition) includes over 500,000
headwords, following a rather inclusive policy:
It embraces not only the standard language of literature and conversation,
whether current at the moment, or obsolete, or archaic, but also the
main technical vocabulary, and a large measure of dialectal usage and
slang (Supplement to the OED, 1933).
The difficulty of defining the number of words is compounded
by the emergence of new versions of English, such as Asian English. Word
origins
Influences in English
Lists of English words of international
origin
One of the consequences of the French influence is that the vocabulary
of English is, to a certain extent, divided between those words
which are Germanic (mostly Old English) and those which are "Latinate"
(Latin-derived, either directly or from Norman French or other Romance
languages).
A computerised survey of about 80,000 words in the old Shorter Oxford Dictionary (3rd ed.) was published in Ordered Profusion by Thomas Finkenstaedt and Dieter Wolff (1973)
which estimated the origin of English words as follows:
- French, including Old French and early Anglo-French: 28.3%
- Latin, including modern scientific and technical Latin: 28.24%
- Old and Middle English, Old Norse, and Dutch: 25%
- Greek: 5.32%
- No etymology given: 4.03%
- Derived from proper names:
3.28%
- All other languages contributed
less than 1%
James D. Nicoll made the oft-quoted observation: "The
problem with defending the purity of the English language is that English
is about as pure as a cribhouse whore. We don't just borrow words; on
occasion, English has pursued other languages down alleyways to beat
them unconscious and riffle their pockets for new vocabulary."
I.4. Writing
System
English alphabet
English is written using the Latin alphabet. The spelling system
or orthography of English is historical, not phonological. The spelling
of words often diverges considerably from how they are spoken, and English
spelling is often considered to be one of the most difficult to learn
of any language that uses an alphabet. See English orthography.
Basic sound-letter correspondences
IPA
|
Alphabetic
representation |
Dialect-specific
|
p |
p |
|
b |
b |
|
t |
t, th (rarely) thyme, Thames |
th thing (African-American, New York)
|
d |
d |
th that (African-American, New York)
|
k |
c (+ a, o, u, consonants), k, ck, ch, qu (rarely) conquer, kh (in foreign words)
|
|
g |
g, gh, gu (+ a, e, i), gue (final position)
|
|
m |
m |
|
n |
n |
|
ŋ |
n (before g or k), ng |
|
f |
f, ph, gh (final, infrequent) laugh, rough |
th thing (many forms of English used in
England) |
v |
v |
th with (Cockney, Estuary English)
|
θ |
th : there is no obvious way
to identify which is which from the spelling. |
|
ð |
|
s |
s, c (+ e, i, y), sc (+ e, i, y)
|
|
z |
z, s (finally or occasionally medially), ss (rarely) possess, dessert,
word-initial x xylophone |
|
ʃ |
sh, sch, ti portion, ci suspicion; si/ssi tension, mission; ch (esp. in words of French origin);
rarely s sugar |
|
ʒ |
si division, zh (in foreign words), z azure, su pleasure, g (in words of French origin)(+e,
i, y) genre |
|
x |
kh, ch, h (in foreign words) |
occasionally ch loch (Scottish English, Welsh English)
|
h |
h (initially, otherwise silent) |
|
tʃ |
ch, tch |
occasionally tu future, culture; t (+ u, ue, eu) tune, Tuesday, Teutonic (Australian English)
|
dʒ |
j, g (+ e, i, y), dg (+ e, i, consonant) badge, judg(e)ment
|
d (+ u, ue, ew) dune, due, dew (Australian English)
|
ɹ |
r, wr (initial) wrangle |
|
j |
y (initially or surrounded by vowels) |
|
l |
l |
|
w |
w, wh |
|
ʍ |
– |
wh (Scottish English) |
Spelling
American and British English
spelling differences
In the early 18th century, English spelling was not standardized.
Different standards became noticeable after the publishing of influential
dictionaries. Current BrE spellings follow, for the most part, those
of Samuel Johnson's Dictionary of the English Language (1755). Many of the now
characteristic AmE spellings were introduced, although often not created,
by Noah Webster in his An American Dictionary of the English Language of 1828.
Webster was a strong proponent of spelling reform for reasons
both philological and nationalistic. Many other spelling changes proposed
in the US by Webster himself, and, in the early 20th century, by the
Simplified Spelling Board never caught on. Among the advocates of spelling
reform in England, the influences of those who preferred the Norman
(or Anglo-French) spellings of certain words proved decisive. Subsequent
spelling adjustments in the UK had little effect on present-day US spelling,
and vice versa. While, in many cases, AmE deviated in the 19th century
from mainstream British spelling; on the other hand, it has also often
retained older forms.
Punctuation
- Full stops/Periods
in abbreviations: Americans tend to write Mr., Mrs., St., Dr., while British will most often write Mr, Mrs, St, Dr, following the rule that a full stop is used only
when the last letter of the abbreviation is not the last letter of the
complete word. This kind of abbreviation is known as a contraction in the UK. Still, many British writers would also
tend to write other abbreviations without a full stop, such as Prof, etc, eg, and so forth (as recommended by OED). The use of periods after most abbreviations can
also be found in the UK, although publications generally
tend to eschew the use of American punctuation. Unit symbols such as kg and Hz are never punctuated.
- Both styles hyphenate multiple-word
adjectives (e.g. "a first-class ticket"), but some British writers omit the hyphen when no ambiguity would arise.
- Quoting: Americans begin their quotations with double quotation
marks (") and use single quotation marks (') for quotations within
quotations. BrE usage varies, with some authoritative sources such as The Economist and The Times recommending the same usage as in the U.S., whereas
other authoritative sources, such as The King's English, recommend single quotation marks. In journals and
newspapers, quotation mark double/single use depends on the individual
publication's house style
- Quotation
marks with periods and commas: Americans always place commas and periods inside
quotation marks. Exceptions are made only for parenthetical citation
and cases in which the addition of a period or comma could create confusion, such as the quotation of web addresses or certain
types of data strings. In both styles, question marks and exclamation
points are placed inside the quotation marks if they belong to the quotation
and outside otherwise. With narration of direct speech, both styles retain punctuation inside the quotation
marks, with a full stop changing into a comma if followed by explanatory
text, also known as a dialogue tag.
- Carefree means "free
from care or anxiety." (American style)
- Carefree means "free
from care or anxiety". (British style)
- "Hello, John," I
said. (Both styles)
- Did you say, "I'm shot"?
No, I said, "Why not?" (Both styles)
- To insert a long dash, type
"—". (Both styles)
The American style was established
for typographical reasons, a historical legacy from the use of the handset printing press.
It is used by most American newspapers, publishing houses, and style
guides in the United States and Canada (including the Modern Language
Association's MLA Style Manual, the
American Psychological Association's APA Publication Manual,
the University of Chicago's Chicago Manual of Style,
the American Institute of Physics's AIP Style Manual, the
American Medical Association's AMA Manual of Style, the
American Political Science Association's APSA Style Manual, the
Associated Press' The AP Guide to Punctuation,
and the Canadian Public Works' The Canadian Style).
It also makes the process of copy editing easier, eliminating the need
to decide whether a period or comma belongs to the quotation.
Hart's
Rules and the Oxford Dictionary for Writers
and Editors call the British style "new" quoting. It
is also similar to the use of quotation marks in many other languages
(including Portuguese, Spanish, French, Italian, Catalan, Dutch, and
German). A few U.S. professional societies whose professions frequently
employ various non-word characters, such as chemistry and computer programming,
use the British form in their style guides (see ACS Style Guide). According
to the Jargon File, American
hackers switched to what they later discovered to be the British quotation
system because placing a period inside a quotation mark can change the
meaning of data strings that are meant to be typed character-for-character.
(It may be noted that the current American system places periods and
commas outside the quotes in these cases anyway.)
Parentheses in American English, brackets in British English.
In both countries, standard
usage is to place punctuation inside or outside parentheses/brackets
according to the stop:
- "I am going to the store.
(I hope it is still open.)"
- "I am going to the shop (if it is still open)."
Written accents
English includes some words which can be written with accent marks.
These words have mostly been imported from other languages, usually
French. But it is increasingly rare for writers of English to actually
use the accent marks for common words, even in very formal writing.
The strongest tendency to retain the accent is in words that are atypical
of English morphology and therefore still perceived as slightly foreign.
For example, café has a pronounced final e, which would be silent by the normal English pronunciation
rules.
Some examples: ångström, appliqué, attaché, blasé, bric-à-brac,
café, cliché, crème, crêpe, façade, fiancé(e), flambé,
naïve, né(e), papier-mâché, passé, piñata, protégé, raison d'être,
résumé, risqué, über-, vis-à-vis, voilà. For a more complete list,
see List of English words with diacritics.
Some words such as rôle and hôtel were first seen with accents when they were borrowed
into English, but now the accent is almost never used. The words were
considered very French borrowings when first used in English, even accused
by some of being foreign phrases used where English alternatives would
suffice, but today their French origin is largely forgotten. The accent
on "élite" has disappeared from most publications today,
but Time magazine still uses it. For some words such as "soupçon"
however, the only spelling found in English dictionaries (the OED and
others) uses the diacritic.
Italics, with appropriate accents, are generally applied to
foreign terms that are uncommonly used in or have not been assimilated
into English: for example, adiós, coup d'état, crème brûlée, pièce de résistance, raison d'être, über (übermensch), vis-à-vis.
It is also possible to use a diaeresis to indicate a syllable
break, but again this is often left out or a hyphen used instead. Examples:
coöperate (or co-operate), daïs, naïve, noël, reëlect (or re-elect).
One publication that still uses a diaeresis to indicate a syllable break
is the New Yorker magazine.
Written accents are also used occasionally in poetry and scripts
for dramatic performances to indicate that a certain normally unstressed
syllable in a word should be stressed for dramatic effect, or to keep
with the meter of the poetry. This use is frequently seen in archaic
and pseudoarchaic writings with the "-ed" suffix, to indicate
that the "e" should be fully pronounced, as with cursèd.
In certain older texts (typically in Commonwealth English),
the use of ligatures is common in words such as archæology, œsophagus,
and encyclopædia. Such words have Latin or Greek origin. Nowadays,
the ligatures have been generally replaced in Commonwealth English by
the separated letters "ae" and "oe" ("archaeology",
"oesophagus") and in American English by "e" ("esophagus").
However, the spellings "oeconomy" and "oecology"
are now generally replaced by "economy" and "ecology"
in Commonwealth English, making these spellings the same as in American
English.
The two major English language keyboard layouts, namely United States
and United Kingdom, normally do not fully permit these accents to be
typed into the computer. However, the United States-International and
United Kingdom-International keyboard layouts permit such accents
to be keyed in. See British and American keyboards, keyboard layouts
Chapter
II Peculiarities of British and American
Variants in the English Language.
II.1. Peculiarities
of American and British English and their
Differences.
American
English (variously abbreviated AmE, AE, AmEng, USEng, en-US, also known as United States English,
or U.S. English) is a set
of dialects of the English language used mostly in the United States.
Approximately two thirds of native speakers of English live in the United
States. English is the most common language in the United States. Though
the U.S. federal government has no official language, English is considered
the de facto, "in practice but not necessarily ordained by law",
language of the United States because of its widespread use. English
has been given official status by 30 of the 50 state governments.
The use of English in the
United States was inherited from British colonization. The first wave of English-speaking
settlers arrived in North America in the 17th century. During that time,
there were also speakers in North America of Spanish, French, Dutch,
German, Norwegian, Swedish, Scots, Welsh, Irish, Scottish Gaelic, Finnish,
Russian (Alaska) and numerous Native American languages.
- American English (AmE) is the form of English used in the United States. It includes all English dialects used within the United States of America.
- British
English (BrE) is the form of English used in the United Kingdom. It includes all English dialects used within the United Kingdom.
American English and British English (BrE) differ at the levels of phonology,
phonetics, vocabulary, and, to a lesser extent, grammar and orthography.
The first large American dictionary, An American Dictionary of the
English Language, was written by Noah Webster in 1828; Webster
intended to show that the United States, which was a relatively new
country at the time, spoke a different dialect from that of Britain.
Differences in grammar are
relatively minor, and normally do not affect mutual intelligibility; these include: different
use of some verbal auxiliaries; formal (rather than notional) agreement
with collective nouns; different preferences for the past forms of a
few verbs (e.g. AmE/BrE: learned/learnt, burned/burnt, and in sneak, dive, get); different prepositions
and adverbs in certain contexts (e.g. AmE in school, BrE at school); and whether
or not a definite article is used, in very few cases (AmE to the hospital, BrE to hospital). Often, these
differences are a matter of relative preferences rather than absolute
rules; and most are not stable, since the two varieties are constantly
influencing each other. Differences in orthography are also trivial.
Some of the forms that now serve to distinguish American from British
spelling (color for colour, center for centre, traveler for traveller, etc.) were
introduced by Noah Webster himself; others are due to spelling tendencies
in Britain from the 17th century until the present day (e.g. -ise for -ize, although the Oxford
English Dictionary still prefers the -ize ending) and cases
favored by the francophile tastes of 19th century Victorian England,
which had little effect on AmE (e.g. programme for program, manoeuvre for maneuver, skilful for skillful, cheque for check, etc.). AmE sometimes
favors words that are morphologically more complex, whereas BrE uses
clipped forms, such as AmE transportation and BrE transport or where the
British form is a back-formation, such as AmE burglarize and BrE burgle (from burglar). It should however
be noted that these words are not mutually exclusive, being widely understood
and mostly used alongside each other within the two systems.
The most noticeable differences
between AmE and BrE are at the levels of pronunciation and vocabulary.
Written forms of American and British English as found in
newspapers and textbooks vary little in their essential features, with
only occasional noticeable differences in comparable media (comparing
American newspapers to British newspapers, for example). This kind of
formal English, particularly written English, is often called 'standard
English'. An unofficial standard for spoken American English
has also developed, as a result of mass media and geographic and social
mobility. It is typically referred to as 'standard spoken American English'
(SSAE) or 'General American English' (GenAm or GAE) and broadly describes
the English typically heard from network newscasters, commonly referred
to as non-regional diction, although local newscasters tend toward more
parochial forms of speech. Despite this unofficial standard, regional
variations of American English have not only persisted but have actually
intensified, according to linguist William Labov.
Regional dialects in the United States typically reflect the elements
of the language of the main immigrant groups in any particular
region of the country, especially in terms of pronunciation and vernacular
vocabulary. Scholars have mapped at least four major regional variations
of spoken American English: Northern, Southern, Midland, and Western
(Labov, Ash, & Boberg, 2006). After the American Civil War, the
settlement of the western territories by migrants from the east led
to dialect mixing and levelling, so that regional dialects are most
strongly differentiated in the eastern parts of the country that were
settled earlier. Localized dialects also exist with quite distinct variations,
such as in Southern Appalachia and New York.
The spoken forms of British English vary considerably, reflecting
a long history of dialect development amid isolated populations.
Dialects and accents vary not only between the countries in the United
Kingdom, England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, but also within
these individual countries.
There are also differences in the English spoken by different
groups of people in any particular region. Received Pronunciation (RP), which is "the educated spoken
English of south-east England", has traditionally been regarded
as proper English; this is also referred to as BBC English or the Queen's English. The BBC and other broadcasters now intentionally
use a mix of presenters with a variety of British accents and dialects,
and the concept of "proper English" is now far less prevalent.
British and American English are the reference norms for English
as spoken, written, and taught in the rest of the world. For instance,
the English-speaking members of the Commonwealth often closely follow
British English forms while many new American English forms quickly
become familiar outside of the United States. Although the dialects
of English used in the former British Empire are often, to various extents,
based on British English, most of the countries concerned have developed
their own unique dialects, particularly with respect to pronunciation,
idioms, and vocabulary; chief among them are Canadian English and Australian
English, which rank third and fourth in number of native speakers if Indian English and the English of other
countries of Asia and Africa are disregarded.7
Regional
vocabularies of American English and North American English
regional phonology
In many ways, compared to English English, North American English is conservative
in its phonology. Some distinctive accents can be found on the East
Coast (for example, in Eastern New England and New York City), partly
because these areas were in contact with England, and imitated prestigious
varieties of British English at a time when those varieties were undergoing
changes. In addition, many speech communities on the East Coast have
existed in their present locations longer than others. The interior
of the United States, however, was settled by people from all regions
of the existing United States and, therefore, developed a far more generic
linguistic pattern.
The red areas are those where non-rhotic pronunciations
are found among some white people in the United States. AAVE-influenced
non-rhotic pronunciations may be found among black people throughout
the country.
Most North American speech is rhotic, as English was in most places in the 17th
century. Rhoticity was further supported by Hiberno-English, West Country
English and Scottish English as well as the fact most regions of England
at this time also had rhotic accents. In most varieties of North American
English, the sound corresponding to the letter r is a retroflex [ɻ]
or alveolar approximant [ɹ] rather than a trill or a tap. The loss
of syllable-final r in North America is confined mostly to the accents
of eastern New England, New York City and surrounding areas and the
coastal portions of the South, and African American Vernacular English.
In rural tidewater Virginia and eastern New England, 'r' is non-rhotic
in accented (such as "bird", "work", "first",
"birthday") as well as unaccented syllables, although this
is declining among the younger generation of speakers. Dropping of syllable-final r sometimes happens in
natively rhotic dialects if r is located in unaccented
syllables or words and the next syllable or word begins in a consonant.
In England, the lost r was often changed into
[ə] (schwa), giving rise to a new class of falling diphthongs. Furthermore,
the er sound of fur or butter, is realized in AmE as a monophthongal
r-colored vowel (stressed [ɝ] or unstressed [ɚ] as represented in
the IPA). This does not happen in the non-rhotic varieties of North
American speech.8
Some other English English
changes in which most North American dialects do not participate:
- The shift of /æ/ to /ɑ/ (the so-called "broad A") before /f/, /s/, /θ/, /ð/, /z/, /v/ alone or preceded by a homorganic nasal.
This is the difference between the British Received Pronunciation and American pronunciation of bath and dance. In the United States, only eastern New England
speakers took up this modification, although even there it is becoming
increasingly rare.
- The realization of intervocalic
/t/ as a glottal stop [ʔ] (as in [bɒʔəl] for bottle). This change is not universal for British English and is not
considered a feature of Received Pronunciation. This is not a property of
most North American dialects. Newfoundland English is a notable exception.
On the other hand, North American
English has undergone some sound changes not found in the standard varieties
of English speech:
- The merger of /ɑ/ and /ɒ/, making father and bother rhyme. This change is
nearly universal in North American English, occurring almost everywhere
except for parts of eastern New England, hence the Boston accent.
- The merger of /ɒ/ and /ɔ/. This is the so-called cot-caught merger, where cot and caught are homophones. This
change has occurred in eastern New England, in Pittsburgh and surrounding
areas, and from the Great Plains westward.
- For speakers who do not merge caught and cot: The replacement of the cot vowel with the caught vowel before voiceless fricatives (as in cloth, off [which is found in some old-fashioned varieties
of RP]), as well as before /ŋ/ (as in strong, long), usually in gone, often in on, and irregularly before /ɡ/ (log, hog, dog, fog [which is not found in British English at all]).
- The replacement of the lot vowel with the strut vowel in most utterances of the words was, of, from, what and in many utterances of the words everybody, nobody, somebody,
anybody; the word because has either /ʌ/ or /ɔ/; want has normally /ɔ/ or /ɑ/, sometimes /ʌ/.Vowel merger before intervocalic /ɹ/. Which vowels are affected varies between dialects,
but the Mary-marry-merry, nearer-mirror, and hurry-furry mergers are all widespread. Another
such change is the laxing of /e/, /i/ and /u/ to /ɛ/, /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ before /ɹ/, causing pronunciations like [pɛɹ], [pɪɹ] and [pjʊɹ] for pair, peer and pure. The resulting sound
[ʊɹ] is often further reduced to [ɝ], especially after palatals, so that cure, pure, mature and sure rhyme with fir.
- Dropping of /j/ is more extensive than in RP. In most North American
accents, /j/ is dropped after all alveolar and interdental consonant, so that new, duke, Tuesday,resume are pronounced /nu/, /duk/, /tuzdeɪ/, /ɹɪzum/.
- æ-tensing in environments
that vary widely from accent to accent; for example, for many speakers, /æ/ is approximately realized as [eə] before nasal consonants. In some accents, particularly
those from Philadelphia to New York City, [æ] and [eə] can even contrast sometimes, as in Yes, I can [kæn] vs. tin can [keən].
- The flapping of intervocalic /t/ and /d/ to alveolar
tap [ɾ] before unstressed vowels (as in butter, party) and
syllabic /l/ (bottle), as well as at the end of a word or morpheme before
any vowel (what else, whatever). Thus, for most speakers, pairs such as ladder/latter, metal/medal, and coating/coding
are pronounced the same. For many speakers, this merger is incomplete
and does not occur after /aɪ/; these speakers tend to pronounce writer with [əɪ] and rider with [aɪ]. This is a form of Canadian raising but, unlike more extreme forms of that process,
does not affect /aʊ/. In some areas and idiolects, a phonemic distinction
between what elsewhere become homophones through this process is maintained
by vowel lengthening in the vowel preceding the formerly voiced consonant, e.g., [læ:·ɾɹ̩] for "ladder" as opposed to [læ·ɾɹ̩] for "latter".
- Both intervocalic /nt/ and
/n/ may be realized as [n] or [ɾ̃], rarely making winter and winner homophones. Most areas in which /nt/ is reduced
to /n/, it is accompanied further by nasalization of simple post-vocalic
/n/, so that V/nt/ and V/n/ remain phonemically distinct. In such cases,
the preceding vowel becomes nasalized, and is followed in cases where
the former /nt/ was present, by a distinct /n/. This stop-absorption by the preceding nasal /n/ does not occur
when the second syllable is stressed, as in entail.
- The pin-pen merger, by which [ɛ] is raised to [ɪ] before nasal consonants, making pairs like pen/pin
homophonous. This merger originated in Southern American English but
is now also sometimes found in parts of the Midwest and West as well,
especially in people with roots in the mountainous areas of the Southeastern United States.
Some mergers found in most
varieties of both American and British English include:
- The merger of the vowels /ɔ/ and /o/ before 'r', making pairs like horse/hoarse,
corps/core, for/four, morning/mourning, etc. homophones.
- The wine-whine merger making pairs like wine/whine, wet/whet,
Wales/whales, wear/where, etc. homophones, in most cases eliminating
/hw/, the voiceless labiovelar fricative. Many older varieties of southern and western AmE
still keep these distinct, but the merger appears to be spreading.
While written AmE is standardized
across the country, there are several recognizable variations in the
spoken language, both in pronunciation and in vernacular
vocabulary. General American is the name given to any American accent
that is relatively free of noticeable regional influences.
After the Civil War, the settlement of the western territories
by migrants from the Eastern U.S. led to dialect mixing and leveling,
so that regional dialects are most strongly differentiated along the
Eastern seaboard. The Connecticut River and Long Island Sound is usually
regarded as the southern/western extent of New England speech, which
has its roots in the speech of the Puritans from East Anglia who settled
in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The Potomac River generally divides
a group of Northern coastal dialects from the beginning of the Coastal
Southern dialect area; in between these two rivers several local variations
exist, chief among them the one that prevails in and around New York
City and northern New Jersey, which developed on a Dutch substratum
after the British conquered New Amsterdam. The main features of Coastal
Southern speech can be traced to the speech of the English from the
West Country who settled in Virginia after leaving England at the time
of the English Civil War, and to the African influences from the African
Americans who were enslaved in the South.
Although no longer region-specific, African American Vernacular
English, which remains prevalent among African Americans, has a close
relationship to Southern varieties of AmE and has greatly influenced
everyday speech of many Americans.
A distinctive speech pattern also appears near the border between Canada
and the United States, centered on the Great Lakes region (but only
on the American side). This is the Inland North Dialect—the "standard
Midwestern" speech that was the basis for General American in the
mid-20th Century (although it has been recently modified by the northern
cities vowel shift). Those not from this area frequently confuse it
with the North Midland dialect treated below, referring to both collectively
as "Midwestern" in the mid-Atlantic region or "Northern"
in the Southern US. The so-called '"Minnesotan" dialect is
also prevalent in the cultural Upper Midwest, and is characterized by
influences from the German and Scandinavian settlers of the region (yah
for yes/ja in German, pronounced the same way).
In the interior, the situation
is very different. West of the Appalachian Mountains begins the broad zone of what
is generally called "Midland" speech. This is divided into
two discrete subdivisions, the North Midland that begins north of the
Ohio River valley area, and the South Midland speech; sometimes the
former is designated simply "Midland" and the latter is reckoned
as "Highland Southern." The North Midland speech continues
to expand westward until it becomes the closely related Western dialect
which contains Pacific Northwest English as well as the well-known California
English, although in the immediate San Francisco area some older speakers
do not possess the cot-caught merger and thus retain the distinction
between words such as cot and caught which reflects a historical Mid-Atlantic
heritage.
The South Midland or Highland
Southern dialect follows the Ohio River in a generally southwesterly direction,
moves across Arkansas and Oklahoma west of the Mississippi, and peters
out in West Texas. It is a version of the Midland speech that has assimilated
some coastal Southern forms (outsiders often mistakenly believe South
Midland speech and coastal South speech to be the same).
The island state of Hawaii
has a distinctive Hawaiian Pidgin.
Finally, dialect development in the United States has been
notably influenced by the distinctive speech of such important cultural
centers as Boston, Baltimore, Chicago, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Charleston,
New Orleans, New York City, and Detroit, which imposed their marks on
the surrounding areas.
II.2. American and British English
Lexical Differences
North America has given the
English lexicon many thousands of words, meanings, and phrases.
Several thousand are now used in English as spoken internationally;
others, however, died within a few years of their creation.
Creation
of an American lexicon
The process of coining new lexical items started
as soon as the colonists began borrowing names for unfamiliar flora,
fauna, and topography from the Native American languages. Examples of
such names are opossum, raccoon, squash and moose (from Algonquian).
Other Native American loanwords, such as wigwam or moccasin, describe
artificial objects in common use among Native Americans. The languages
of the other colonizing nations also added to the American vocabulary;
for instance, cookie, cruller, stoop, and pit (of a fruit) from Dutch;
levee, portage ("carrying of boats or goods") and (probably)
gopher from French; barbecue, stevedore, and rodeo from Spanish.
Among the earliest and most notable regular "English"
additions to the American vocabulary, dating from the early days of
colonization through the early 19th century, are terms describing the
features of the North American landscape; for instance, run, branch, fork, snag,
bluff, gulch, neck (of the woods), barrens, bottomland, notch, knob,
riffle, rapids, watergap, cutoff, trail, timberline and divide. Already
existing words such as creek, slough, sleet and (in later use) watershed
received new meanings that were unknown in England.
Other noteworthy American
toponyms are found among loanwords; for example, prairie, butte (French); bayou (Choctaw via Louisiana
French); coulee (Canadian French, but used also in Louisiana with a
different meaning); canyon, mesa, arroyo (Spanish); vlei, kill (Dutch,
Hudson Valley).
The word corn, used in England to refer to wheat (or any cereal),
came to denote the plant Zea mays, the most important crop in the U.S.,
originally named Indian corn by the earliest settlers; wheat, rye, barley,
oats, etc. came to be collectively referred to as grain (or breadstuffs).
Other notable farm related vocabulary additions were the new meanings
assumed by barn (not only a building for hay and grain storage, but
also for housing livestock) and team (not just the horses,
but also the vehicle along with them), as well as, in various periods,
the terms range, (corn) crib, truck, elevator, sharecropping and feedlot.
Ranch, later applied to a house style, derives from Mexican
Spanish; most Spanish contributions came after the War of 1812, with
the opening of the West. Among these are, other than toponyms, chaps (from chaparreras), plaza, lasso, bronco,
buckaroo, rodeo; examples of "English" additions from
the cowboy era are bad man, maverick, chuck
("food") and Boot Hill; from the California
Gold Rush came such idioms as hit pay dirt or strike it rich. The word blizzard probably originated
in the West. A couple of notable late 18th century additions are the
verb belittle and the noun bid, both first used in
writing by Thomas Jefferson.
With the new continent developed
new forms of dwelling, and hence a large inventory of words designating
real estate concepts (land office, lot, outlands,
waterfront, the verbs locate and relocate, betterment, addition,
subdivision), types of property (log cabin, adobe in the
18th century; frame house, apartment, tenement
house, shack, shanty in the 19th century; project, condominium, townhouse,
split-level, mobile home, multi-family in the 20th century),
and parts thereof (driveway, breezeway, backyard,
dooryard; clapboard, siding, trim, baseboard; stoop (from Dutch), family room, den; and,
in recent years, HVAC, central air, walkout basement).
Ever since the American Revolution, a great number of terms connected
with the U.S. political institutions have entered the language; examples
are run, gubernatorial, primary election,
carpetbagger (after the Civil War), repeater, lame duck and pork barrel. Some of these
are internationally used (e.g. caucus, gerrymander, filibuster,
exit poll).
The rise of capitalism, the
development of industry and material innovations throughout the 19th
and 20th centuries were the source of a massive stock of distinctive
new words, phrases and idioms. Typical examples are the vocabulary
of railroading (see further at rail terminology) and transportation
terminology, ranging from names of roads (from dirt roads and back roads
to freeways and parkways) to road infrastructure (parking lot, overpass,
rest area), and from automotive terminology to public transit (e.g.
in the sentence "riding the subway downtown"); such American
introductions as commuter (from commutation ticket), concourse, to board
(a vehicle), to park, double-park and parallel park (a car), double
decker or the noun terminal have long been used in all dialects of English.
Trades of various kinds have endowed (American) English with household
words describing jobs and occupations (bartender, longshoreman, patrolman,
hobo, bouncer, bellhop, roustabout, white collar, blue collar, employee,
boss [from Dutch], intern, busboy, mortician, senior citizen), businesses
and workplaces (department store, supermarket, thrift store, gift shop,
drugstore, motel, main street, gas station, hardware store, savings
and loan, hock [also from Dutch]), as well as general concepts and innovations
(automated teller machine, smart card, cash register, dishwasher, reservation
[as at hotels], pay envelope, movie, mileage, shortage, outage, blood
bank).
Already existing English words —such as store, shop,
dry goods, haberdashery, lumber— underwent shifts in meaning; some
—such as mason, student, clerk, the verbs can (as in "canned
goods"), ship, fix, carry, enroll
(as in school), run (as in "run a
business"), release and haul— were given new
significations, while others (such as tradesman) have retained meanings
that disappeared in England. From the world of business and finance
came breakeven, merger, delisting, downsize, disintermediation, bottom
line; from sports terminology came, jargon aside, Monday-morning quarterback,
cheap shot, game plan (football); in the ballpark, out of left field,
off base, hit and run, and many other idioms from baseball; gamblers
coined bluff, blue chip, ante, bottom dollar, raw deal, pass the buck,
ace in the hole, freeze-out, showdown; miners coined bedrock, bonanza,
peter out, pan out and the verb prospect from the noun; and railroadmen
are to be credited with make the grade, sidetrack, head-on, and the
verb railroad. A number of Americanisms describing material innovations
remained largely confined to North America: elevator, ground, gasoline;
many automotive terms fall in this category, although many do not (hatchback, SUV, station wagon, tailgate, motorhome, truck, pickup truck, to exhaust).9
In addition to the above-mentioned
loans from French, Spanish, Mexican Spanish, Dutch,
and Native American languages, other accretions from foreign languages
came with 19th and early 20th century immigration; notably, from Yiddish
(chutzpah, schmooze, tush and such idioms as need something like a hole
in the head) and German —hamburger and culinary terms like frankfurter/franks,
liverwurst, sauerkraut, wiener, deli(catessen); scram, kindergarten,
gesundheit; musical terminology (whole note, half note, etc.); and apparently
cookbook, fresh ("impudent") and what gives? Such constructions
as Are you coming with? and I like to dance (for "I like dancing")
may also be the result of German or Yiddish influence. Finally, a large
number of English colloquialisms from various periods are American in
origin; some have lost their American flavor (from OK and cool to nerd
and 24/7), while others have not (have a nice day, sure); many are now
distinctly old-fashioned (swell, groovy). Some English words now in
general use, such as hijacking, disc jockey, boost, bulldoze and jazz,
originated as American slang. Among the many English idioms of U.S.
origin are get the hang of, take for a ride, bark up the wrong tree,
keep tabs, run scared, take a backseat, have an edge over, stake a claim,
take a shine to, in on the ground floor, bite off more than one can
chew, off/on the wagon, stay put, inside track, stiff upper lip, bad
hair day, throw a monkey wrench, under the weather, jump bail,
come clean, come again?, it ain't over till it's over, what goes around
comes around, and will the real x please stand
up?
English
words that survived in the United States
A number of words and meanings
that originated in Middle English or Early Modern English and that
always have been in everyday use in the United States dropped out in
most varieties of British English; some of these have cognates in Lowland
Scots. Terms such as fall ("autumn"), pavement (to mean "road
surface", where in Britain, as in Philadelphia, it is the equivalent
of "sidewalk"), faucet, diaper, candy, skillet, eyeglasses,
crib (for a baby), obligate, and raise a child are often regarded as
Americanisms. Fall for example came to denote the season in 16th century
England, a contraction of Middle English expressions like "fall
of the leaf" and "fall of the year". During the 17th
century, English immigration to the colonies in North America was at
its peak, and the new settlers took their language with them, and while
the term fall gradually became obsolete in Britain, it became the more
common term in North America. Gotten (past participle of get) is often considered
to be an Americanism, although there are some areas of Britain, such
as Lancashire and North-eastern England, that still continue to use
it and sometimes also use putten as the past participle
for put (which is not done
by most speakers of American English).
Other words and meanings,
to various extents, were brought back to Britain, especially in the
second half of the 20th century; these include hire ("to employ"), quit ("to stop,"
which spawned quitter in the U.S.), I guess (famously criticized
by H. W. Fowler), baggage, hit (a place), and the adverbs overly and
presently ("currently"). Some of these, for example monkey
wrench and wastebasket, originated in 19th-century Britain.
The mandative subjunctive (as in "the City Attorney suggested
that the case not be closed") is
livelier in AmE than it is in British English; it appears in some areas
as a spoken usage, and is considered obligatory in contexts that are
more formal. The adjectives mad meaning "angry", smart meaning "intelligent",
and sick meaning "ill"
are also more frequent in American than British English.
Most of the differences in lexis or vocabulary between British and
American English are in connection with concepts originating from the
19th century to the mid 20th century, when new words were coined
independently. Almost the entire vocabularies of the car/automobile
and railway/railroad industries (see Rail terminology) are different
between the UK and US, for example. Other sources of difference are
slang or vulgar terms, where frequent new coinage occurs, and idiomatic
phrases, including phrasal verbs. The differences most likely to create
confusion are those where the same word or phrase is used for two different
concepts. Regional variations, even within the US or the UK, can create
the same problems.
It is not a straightforward matter to classify differences of vocabulary.
David Crystal identifies some of the problems of classification on the
facing page to his list of American English/British English lexical
variation, and states "this should be enough to suggest caution
when working through an apparently simple list of equivalents".
Though the influence of cross-culture media has done much to familiarize
BrE and AmE speakers with each other's regional words and terms,
many words are still recognized as part of a single form of English.
Though the use of a British word would be acceptable in AmE (and vice
versa), most listeners would recognize the word as coming from the other
form of English, and treat it much the same as a word borrowed from
any other language. For instance, an American using the word chap or mate to refer to a friend would be heard in much the same way
as an American using the Spanish word amigo.
Words and phrases which have their origins BrE
Some speakers of AmE are aware of some BrE terms, although they might
not generally use them, or may be confused as to whether someone intends
the American or British meaning (such as for biscuit). They will be able to guess approximately what some
others, such as “driving licence,” mean. However, use of many other
British words such as naff (unstylish, though commonly used to mean "not very
good"), risks rendering a sentence incomprehensible to most Americans.
Words and phrases which have their origins AmE
Speakers of BrE are likely to understand most AmE terms, examples
such as 'sidewalk', 'gas (gasoline/petrol)', 'counterclockwise', or
'elevator (lift)', without any problem. Certain terms which are heard
less frequently, eg. 'copacetic (satisfactory)', are unlikely
to be understood by most BrE speakers.
Words and phrases with different meanings
Words such as bill (AmE "paper money", BrE and AmE "invoice")
and biscuit (AmE: BrE's "scone", BrE: AmE's "cookie")
are used regularly in both AmE and BrE, but mean different things in
each form As chronicled by Winston Churchill, the opposite meanings
of the verb to table created a misunderstanding during a meeting of the
Allied forces; in BrE to table an item on an agenda means to open it up for discussion, whereas in AmE, it means to remove it from discussion.
The word "football" in BrE refers to Association
football, also known as soccer. In AmE, "football" means American
football.
Similarly, the word "hockey" in BrE refers to field
hockey, while in AmE "hockey" means ice hockey.
Words with completely different meanings are relatively few;
most of the time, there are either (1) words with one or more shared
meanings and one or more meanings unique to one variety (e.g. bathroom
and toilet) or (2) words whose meanings are actually common to both
BrE and AmE, but which show differences in frequency, connotation, or
denotation (e.g. smart, clever, mad).
Some differences in usage and/or meaning can cause confusion or embarrassment.
For example, the word fanny is a slang word for vagina in BrE (often used by small
children) but simply means buttocks in AmE - the AmE phrase fanny pack is called a bum bag in BrE. In AmE the word fag (short for faggot) is a highly offensive term for a gay male, but in BrE
it is also a normal and well-used term for a cigarette. In AmE the word pissed means being annoyed, where as in BrE it refers to being
drunk (in both varieties, pissed off means irritated).
Sometimes the confusion is more subtle. In AmE the word quite used as a qualifier is generally a reinforcement: e.g.
"I'm quite hungry" means "I'm very hungry". In BrE quite (which is much more common in conversation) can have
this meaning, as in "quite right", "quite mad" or
"I enjoyed that quite a lot", but it more commonly means "somewhat",
so that in BrE "I'm quite hungry" can mean "I'm somewhat
hungry" – and this divergence of use can lead to misunderstanding.
Frequency
- In the UK, the word whilst is historically acceptable as a conjunction (as
an alternative to while, especially prevalent in some dialects). In AmE
only while is used in both contexts.
- In the UK, generally the term fall meaning "autumn" is obsolete. Although found often from Elizabethan to Victorian literature, continued understanding of the word is usually ascribed to its continued use in America.
- In the UK, the term period for a full stop is now obsolete, while in AmE the term full stop is rarely, if ever, used for the punctuation mark.
For example, Tony Blair said, "Terrorism is wrong, full stop", whereas in AmE, "Terrorism is wrong, period."
II.3. Grammatical Peculiarities of
American and British English
American
English has always shown a marked tendency to use nouns as verbs. Examples of verbed nouns
are interview, advocate, vacuum,
lobby, room, pressure, rear-end, transition, feature, profile, belly-ache,
spearhead, skyrocket, showcase, service (as a car), corner, torch, exit (as
in "exit the lobby"), factor (in mathematics), gun ("shoot"), author (which disappeared
in English around 1630 and was revived in the U.S. three centuries later)
and, out of American material, proposition, graft (bribery), bad-mouth, vacation, major,
backpack, backtrack, intern, ticket (traffic violations), hassle, blacktop,
peer-review, dope and OD.
Compounds coined in the U.S. are for instance foothill, flatlands,
badlands, landslide (in all senses), overview (the noun), backdrop,
teenager, brainstorm, bandwagon, hitchhike, smalltime, deadbeat, frontman, lowbrow and highbrow, hell-bent, foolproof,
nitpick, about-face (later verbed), upfront (in all senses), fixer-upper, no-show;
many of these are phrases used as adverbs or (often) hyphenated attributive
adjectives: non-profit, for-profit, free-for-all, ready-to-wear, catchall,
low-down, down-and-out, down and dirty, in-your-face, nip and tuck;
many compound nouns and adjectives are open: happy hour, fall guy, capital
gain, road trip, wheat pit, head start, plea bargain; some of these
are colorful (empty nester, loan shark, ambulance chaser, buzz saw,
ghetto blaster, dust bunny), others are euphemistic (differently abled,
human resources, physically challenged, affirmative action, correctional
facility).
Many compound nouns have the
form verb plus preposition: add-on, stopover, lineup, shakedown, tryout,
spin-off, rundown ("summary"), shootout, holdup, hideout,
comeback, cookout, kickback, makeover, takeover, rollback ("decrease"),
rip-off, come-on, shoo-in, fix-up, tie-in, tie-up ("stoppage"),
stand-in. These essentially are nouned phrasal verbs; some prepositional
and phrasal verbs are in fact of American origin (spell out, figure out, hold
up, brace up, size up, rope in, back up/off/down/out, step down, miss
out on, kick around, cash in, rain out, check in and check out (in all senses), fill in ("inform"), kick in ("contribute"), square off, sock in, sock away,
factor in/out, come down with, give up on, lay off (from employment), run into and across ("meet"), stop by, pass up, put up
(money), set up ("frame"), trade in, pick up on, pick up
after, lose out. Noun endings such as -ee (retiree), -ery (bakery),
-ster (gangster) and -cian (beautician) are
also particularly productive. Some verbs ending in -ize are of U.S. origin;
for example, fetishize, prioritize, burglarize,
accessorize, itemize, editorialize, customize, notarize, weatherize,
winterize, Mirandize; and so are some back-formations (locate, fine-tune, evolute,
curate, donate, emote, upholster, peeve and enthuse). Among syntactical
constructions that arose in the U.S. are as of (with dates and
times), outside of, headed for, meet
up with, back of, convince someone to…, not to be about to
and lack for.
Americanisms formed by alteration
of existing words include notably pesky, phony, rambunctious, pry (as in "pry open," from prize), putter (verb), buddy, sundae, skeeter,
sashay and kitty-corner. Adjectives that arose in the U.S. are for example,
lengthy, bossy, cute and cutesy, grounded (of a child), punk (in all
senses), sticky (of the weather), through (as in "through train,"
or meaning "finished"), and many colloquial forms such as
peppy or wacky. American blends include motel, guesstimate, infomercial
and televangelist.
Formal and notional agreement
In BrE, collective nouns can take either singular (formal agreement) or plural (notional agreement) verb forms, according to whether the emphasis
is, respectively, on the body as a whole or on the individual members;
compare a committee was appointed... with the committee were unable to agree.... The term the Government always takes a plural verb in British civil
service convention, perhaps to emphasise the principle of collective
responsibility. Compare also the following lines of Elvis Costello's
song "Oliver's Army": Oliver's Army are on their way / Oliver's Army is here to stay.
Some of these nouns, for example staff, actually combine with plural verbs most of the time.
In AmE, collective nouns are usually singular in construction: the committee was unable to agree... AmE however may use plural
pronouns in agreement with collective nouns: the team takes their seats, rather than the team takes its seats. The rule of thumb is that a group
acting as a unit is considered singular and a group of "individuals
acting separately" is considered plural. However, such a sentence
would most likely be recast as the team members take their seats. Despite exceptions such
as usage in the New York Times, the names of sports teams are usually treated
as plurals even if the form of the name is singular.
The difference occurs for all nouns of multitude, both general terms
such as team and company and proper nouns (for example, where a place name is
used to refer to a sports team). For instance,
BrE: The Clash are a well-known band; AmE: The Clash is a well-known band.
BrE: Pittsburgh are the champions; AmE: Pittsburgh is the champion.
Proper nouns that are plural in form take a plural verb in
both AmE and BrE; for example, The Beatles are a well-known band; The Steelers are the champions.
Verbs
Verb morphology
English irregular verbs
- The past tense and past participle
of the verbs learn, spoil, spell, burn, dream, smell, spill, leap, and others, can be either irregular (learnt, spoilt, etc.) or regular (learned, spoiled, etc.). In BrE, both irregular and regular forms
are current, but for some words (such as smelt and leapt) there is a strong tendency towards the irregular forms, especially
by users of Received Pronunciation. For other words (such as dreamed, leaned and learned) the regular forms are somewhat more common. In
AmE, the irregular forms are never or rarely used (except for burnt and leapt).
The t endings may be encountered frequently in older American
texts. Usage may vary when the past participles are used as adjectives,
as in burnt toast. (The two-syllable form learnèd /ˈlɜrnɪd/, usually written without the grave, is used as an adjective to mean "educated"
or to refer to academic institutions, in both BrE and AmE.) Finally,
the past tense and past participle of dwell and kneel are more commonly dwelt and knelt in both standards, with dwelled and kneeled as common variants in the US but not in the UK.
- Lit as the past tense of light is more common than lighted in the UK; the regular form is used more in the
US, but is nonetheless less common than lit. Conversely, fit as the past tense of fit is more widely used in AmE than BrE, which generally
favors fitted.
- The past tense of spit "expectorate" is spat in BrE, spit or spat in AmE. AmE typically has spat in figurative contexts, e.g. "he spat out the
name with a sneer", but spit for "expectorated".
- The past participle of saw is normally sawn in BrE and sawed in AmE (as in sawn-off/sawed-off shotgun).The past participle gotten is never used in modern BrE, which generally uses got, except in old expressions such as ill-gotten gains. According to the Compact Oxford English Dictionary, "The form gotten is not used in British English but is very common
in North American English, though even there it is often regarded as
non-standard." In AmE, gotten emphasizes the action of acquiring and got tends to indicate simple possession (for example, Have you gotten it? versus Have you got it?). Gotten is also typically used in AmE as the past participle
for phrasal verbs using get, such as get off, get on, get into, get up, and get around: If you hadn't gotten up so late,
you might not have gotten into this mess. Interestingly, AmE, but not BrE, has forgot as a less common alternative to forgotten for the past participle of forget.
- In BrE, the past participle proved is strongly preferred to proven; in AmE, proven is now about as common as proved. (Both dialects use proven as an adjective, and in formulas such as not proven).
- AmE further allows other irregular
verbs, such as dive (dove) or sneak (snuck), and often mixes the preterit and past participle forms (spring–sprang, US also sprung–sprung), sometimes forcing verbs such as shrink (shrank–shrunk) to have a further form, thus shrunk–shrunken. These uses are often considered nonstandard; the AP Stylebook in AmE treats some irregular verbs as colloquialisms, insisting on the regular forms for
the past tense of dive, plead and sneak. Dove and snuck are usually considered nonstandard in Britain, although dove exists in some British dialects and snuck is occasionally found in British speech.
- By extension of the irregular verb pattern, verbs with
irregular preterits in some variants of colloquial AmE also have a separate
past participle, for example, "to buy": past tense bought spawns boughten. Such formations are highly irregular from speaker
to speaker, or even within idiolects. This phenomenon is found chiefly in the northern
US and other areas where immigrants of German descent are predominant, and may have developed
as a result of German influence. Even in areas where the feature predominates,
however, it has not gained widespread acceptance as
standard usage.
Use of
tenses
- Traditionally, BrE uses the present perfect tense to talk about an event in the recent past
and with the words already, just, and yet. In American usage, these meanings can be expressed with the present perfect (to express a
factor the simple past (to imply an expectation). This American style has
become widespread only in the past 20 to 30 years; the British style
is still in common use as well. Recently, the American use of just with simple past has made inroads into BrE, most
visibly in advertising slogans and headlines such as "Cable broadband
just got faster".
- "I've just arrived home."
/ "I just arrived home."
- "I've already eaten."
/ "I already ate."
- Similarly, AmE occasionally replaces the pluperfect with the preterite.
- In BrE, have got or have can be used for possession and have got to and have to can be used for the modal of necessity. The forms that include ‘‘got’’ are usually used in informal contexts and the forms
without got in contexts that are more formal. In American speech
the form without got is used more than in the UK, although the form with got is often used for emphasis. Colloquial AmE informally
uses got as a verb for these meanings – for example, I got two cars, I got to go.
- In conditional sentences, US spoken usage often substitutes would and would have (usually shortened to [I]'d and [I]'d have) for the simple past and for the pluperfect (If you'd leave now, you'd be
on time. / If I would have [I'd've] cooked the pie we could have [could've]
had it for lunch). This tends to be avoided in writing because it
is often still considered non-standard although such use of would is widespread in spoken US English in all sectors
of society. Some reliable sources now label this usage as acceptable US English and no
longer label it as colloquial. (There are, of course, situations where would is used in British English too in seemingly counterfactual
conditions, but these can usually be interpreted as a modal use of would: If you would listen to me once
in a while, you might learn something. In cases in which the action in the if clause takes place after that in the main clause,
use of would in counterfactual conditions is however considered
standard and correct usage in even formal UK and US usage: If it would make Bill happy,
I'd [I would] give him the money.
- The subjunctive mood (morphologically identical with the bare infinitive)
is regularly used in AmE in mandative clauses (as in They suggested that he apply
for the job). In BrE, this usage declined in the 20th century,
in favor of constructions such as They suggested that he should
apply for the job (or even, more ambiguously, They suggested that he applied
for the job). Apparently, however, the mandative subjunctive has recently started to come back into use in
BrE.
Verbal
auxiliaries
- Shall (as opposed to will) is more commonly used by the British than by Americans. Shan't is almost never used in AmE (almost invariably replaced
by won't or am not going to), and is increasingly rare in BrE as well. American grammar
also tends to ignore some traditional distinctions between should and would; however, expressions like I should be happy are rather formal even in BrE.
- The periphrastic future (be going to) is about twice as frequent in AmE as in BrE.
Transitivity
The following verbs show differences in transitivity between BrE and
AmE.
- agree: Transitive or intransitive in BrE, usually intransitive
in AmE (agree a contract/agree to or on a contract). However, in formal AmE legal writing one often sees constructions like as may be agreed between the
parties (rather than as may be agreed upon between the parties).
- appeal (as a decision): Usually intransitive in BrE (used
with against) and transitive in AmE (appeal against the decision to the Court/appeal the decision to the Court).
- catch
up ("to reach and overtake"): Transitive
or intransitive in BrE, strictly intransitive in AmE (to catch sb up/to catch up with sb). A transitive form does exist in AmE, but has a
different meaning: to catch sb up means that the subject will help the object catch
up, rather the opposite of the BrE transitive meaning. In other words,
the subject acts more like an indirect object.
- cater ("to provide food and service"): Intransitive
in BrE, transitive in AmE (to cater for a banquet/to cater a banquet).
- claim: Sometimes intransitive in BrE (used with for), strictly transitive in AmE.
- meet: AmE uses intransitively meet followed by with to mean "to have a meeting with", as for
business purposes (Yesterday we met with the CEO), and reserves transitive meet for the meanings "to be introduced to"
(I want you to meet the CEO; she
is such a fine lady), "to come together with (someone, somewhere)"
(Meet the CEO at the train station), and "to have a casual encounter with". BrE uses transitive meet also to mean "to have a meeting with";
the construction meet with, which actually dates back to Middle English, appears
to be coming back into use in Britain, despite some commentators who
preferred to avoid confusion with meet with meaning "receive, undergo" (the proposal was met with disapproval). The construction meet up with (as in to meet up with someone), which originated in the US, has long been standard
in both dialects.
- provide: Strictly monotransitive in BrE, monotransitive or ditransitive in AmE (provide sb with sth/provide sb sth).
- protest: In sense "oppose", intransitive in BrE,
transitive in AmE (The workers protested against
the decision/The workers protested the decision). The intransitive protest against in AmE means, "to hold or participate in a
demonstration against". The older sense "proclaim" is
always transitive (protest one's innocence).
- write: In BrE, the indirect object of this verb usually
requires the preposition to, for example, I'll write to my MP or I'll write to her (although it is not required in some situations,
for example when an indirect object pronoun comes before a direct object
noun, for example, I'll write her a letter). In AmE, write can be used monotransitively (I'll write my congressman; I'll write him).
Complementation
- The verbs prevent and stop can be found in two different constructions: "prevent/stop
someone from doing something" and "prevent/stop someone
doing something". The latter is well established in BrE, but not
in AmE.
- Some verbs can take either
a to+infinitive construction or a gerund construction (e.g., to start to do something/doing something). For example, the gerund is more common:
- In AmE than BrE, with start, begin, omit, enjoy;
- In BrE than AmE, with love, like, intend.
Presence or absence of syntactic
elements |
|
- Where a statement of intention
involves two separate activities, it is acceptable for speakers of AmE
to use to go plus bare infinitive. Speakers of BrE would instead
use to go and plus bare infinitive. Thus, where a speaker of AmE might say I'll go take a bath, BrE speakers would say I'll go and have a bath. (Both can also use the form to go to instead to suggest that the action may fail, as
in He went to take/have a bath,
but the bath was full of children.) Similarly, to come plus bare infinitive is acceptable to speakers of
AmE, where speakers of BrE would instead use to come and plus bare infinitive. Thus, where a speaker of AmE
might say come see what I bought, BrE speakers would say come and see what I've bought (notice the present perfect tense: a common British
preference).
- Use of prepositions before
days denoted by a single word. Where British people would say She resigned on Thursday, Americans often say She resigned Thursday, but both forms are common in American usage. Occasionally, the preposition
is also absent when referring to months: I'll be here December (although this usage is generally limited to colloquial
speech).
- In the UK, from is used with single dates and times more often than
in the United States. Where British speakers and writers
may say the new museum will be open from
Tuesday, Americans most likely say the new museum will be open starting
Tuesday. (This difference does not apply to phrases of the
pattern from A to B, which are used in both BrE and AmE.) A variation or alternative
of this is the mostly American the play opens Tuesday and the mostly British the play opens on Tuesday.
- American legislators and lawyers always use the preposition of between the name of a legislative act and the year it was passed, while their British
colleagues do not. Compare Americans with Disabilities Act
of 1990 to Disability Discrimination Act
1995.
The definite
article
- A few 'institutional' nouns
take no definite article when a certain role is implied: for example, at sea (as a sailor), in prison (as a convict), and at/in college (for students). Among this group, BrE has in hospital (as a patient) and at university (as a student), where AmE requires in the hospital and at the university (though AmE does allow at college and in school). When the implied roles of patient or student do
not apply, the definite article is used in both dialects.
- Likewise, BrE distinguishes in future ("from now on") from in the future ("at some future time"); AmE uses in the future for both senses.
- AmE omits, and BrE requires,
the definite article in a few standard expressionssuch as tell (the) time.
- In BrE, numbered highways
usually take the definite article (for example "the M25",
"the A14") while in America they usually do not ("I-495", "Route 66"). Upstate New York, Southern California and Arizona are exceptions,
where "the 33", "the 5" or "the 10" are
the standard. A similar pattern is followed for named roads (for example,
Strand in London is almost always referred to as the Strand), but in America, there are local variations
and older American highways tend to follow the British pattern ("the
Boston Post Road").
- AmE distinguishes in back of [behind] from in the back of; the former is unknown in the UK and liable to misinterpretation as the latter. Both, however, distinguish in front of from in the front of.
- Dates usually include a definite
article in UK spoken English, such as "the eleventh of July", or "July the eleventh", while American speakers most commonly
say "July eleventh" or "July eleven".
Prepositions
and adverbs
- In the United States, the
word through can mean "up to and including" as in Monday through Friday. In the UK Monday to Friday, or Monday to Friday inclusive is used instead; Monday through to Friday is also sometimes used. (In some parts of Northern
England the term while can be used in the same way, as in Monday while Friday, whereas in Northern Ireland Monday till Friday would be more natural.)
- British sportsmen play in a team; American athletes play on a team. (Both may play for a particular team.)
- In AmE, the use of the function
word out as a preposition in out the door and out the window is standard to mean "out through". For
example, in AmE, one jumps "out of a boat" by jumping "out
the porthole," and it would be incorrect in standard AmE
to "jump out the boat" or climb "out of the porthole."
In BrE, out of is preferred in writing for both meanings, but out is common in speech. Several other uses of out of are peculiarly British (out of all recognition, out of the team; cf. above); all of this notwithstanding, out of is overall more frequent in AmE than in BrE (about
four times as frequent, according to Algeo).
- The word heat meaning "mating season" is used with on in the UK and with in in the US.
- The intransitive verb affiliate can take either with or to in BrE, but only with in AmE.
- The verb enrol(l) usually takes on in BrE and in in AmE (as in "to enrol(l) on/in a course")
and the on/in difference is used when enrolled is dropped (as in "I am (enrolled) on the course that studies....").
- In AmE, one always speaks
of the street on which an address is located, whereas in BrE in can also be used in some contexts. In suggests an address on a city street, so a service
station (or a tourist attraction or indeed a village) would always be on a major road, but a department store might be in Oxford Street. Moreover, if a particular place on the street is
specified then the preposition used is whichever is idiomatic to the
place, thus "at the end of Churchill Road."
- BrE favours the preposition at with weekend ("at (the) weekend(s)"); the constructions on, over, and during (the) weekend(s) are found in both varieties but are all more common
in AmE than BrE. See also Word derivation and compounds.
- Adding at to the end of a question requesting a location is common
in AmE, for example, "where are you at?", but would be considered superfluous in BrE.
However, some south-western British dialects use to in the same context; for example "where are
you to?", to mean "where are you".
- After talk American can also use the preposition with but British alwaysuses to (that is, I'll talk with Dave / I'll talk to Dave). The American form is sometimes seen as more politically correct in British organisations, inducing the ideal of discussing (with), as opposed to lecturing (to).
This is, of course, unless talk is being used as a noun, for example:
"I'll have a talk with him" in which case this is acceptable
in both BrE and AmE.
- In both dialects, from is the preposition prescribed for use after the word different: American English is different
from British English in several respects. However, different than is also commonly heard in the US, and is often considered
standard when followed by a clause (American English is different
than it used to be), whereas different to is a common alternative in BrE.
- It is common in BrE to say opposite to as an alternative to opposite of, the only form normally found in AmE. The use of opposite as a preposition (opposite the post office) has long been established in both dialects, but appears to
be more common in British usage.
- The noun opportunity can be followed by a verb in two different ways: opportunity plus to-infinitive ("the opportunity to do something")
or opportunity plus of plus gerund ("the opportunity of doing something").
The first construction is the most common in both dialects, but the
second has almost disappeared in AmE and is often regarded as a Briticism.
- Both British and Americans
may say (for example) that a river is named after a state, but "named for a state" would rightly be regarded as an Americanism.
- BrE sometimes uses to with near (we live near to the university), while AmE avoids the preposition in most usages
dealing with literal, physical proximity (we live near the university), although the to reappears in AmE when near takes the comparative or superlative form, as in she lives nearer/nearest to the
deranged axe murderer's house.
- In BrE, one calls (or rings)
someone on his or her telephone number; in AmE, one calls someone at his or her telephone number.
- When referring to the constituency
of a US Senator the preposition "from" is usually used: "Senator
from New York," whereas British MPs are "for" their constituency:
"MP for East Cleveland."
- In AmE, the phrases aside from and apart from are used about equally; in BrE, apart from is far more common.
- In AmE, the compound "off
of" may be used where BrE almost always uses "off". Compare
AmE "He jumped off of the box" and BrE "He jumped off
the box".
Phrasal
verbs
- In the US, forms are usually but not invariably filled out, but in Britain they can also be filled in. However, in reference to individual parts of a
form, Americans may also use in (fill in the blanks). In AmE the direction fill it all in (referring to the form as a collection of blanks, perhaps) is as common as fill it all out.
- Britons facing extortionate prices may have no option but to fork out, whereas Americans are more likely to fork (it) over or sometimes up; the out usage is however found in both dialects.
- In both countries, thugs will beat up their victim; AmE also allows beat on (as both would for an inanimate object, such as
a drum) or beat up on, which are often considered slang.
- When an outdoor event is postponed
or interrupted by rain, it is rained off in the UK and rained out in the US.
Miscellaneous
grammatical differences
- In AmE, some prescriptionists
feel that which should not be used as an antecedent in restrictive relative clauses. According to The Elements of Style (p. 59), "that is the defining, or restrictive pronoun, which the nondefining, or nonrestrictive." This distinction
was endorsed by Fowler's Modern English Usage, but the use of which as a restrictive pronoun is common in great literature
produced on both sides of the Atlantic.
- In names of American rivers, the word river usually comes after the name (for example, Colorado River), whereas for British rivers it comes before (as
in the River Thames). Exceptions in BrE include the Fleet River, which is rarely called the River Fleet by Londoners outside of official documentation, and also where
the river name is an adjective (the Yellow River). Exceptions in the US are the River Rouge and the River Raisin, both in Michigan and named by the French. This convention is mixed,
however, in some Commonwealth nations, where both arrangements are often
seen.
- In BrE speech, titles may
precede names, but not descriptions of offices (President Roosevelt, but Winston Churchill, the Prime
Minister and Mr Jones, the team's coach), while both normally precede names in AmE (President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill and Coach Jones).
- In BrE the word sat is often colloquially used to cover sat, sitting and seated: I've been sat here waiting for
half an hour. The bride's family will be sat on the right-hand side of the church. This construction is not often heard outside the
UK. In the 1960s, its use would mark a speaker as coming from the north
of England but by the turn of the 21st century this form had spread
to the south. Its use often conveys lighthearted informality, when many speakers intentionally use
a dialect or colloquial construction they would probably not use in
formal written English. This colloquial usage is widely understood by
British speakers. Similarly stood can be used instead of standing. To an American, these usages are passive, and may
imply that the subject had been involuntarily forced to sit or stand,
or directed to hold that location.
- In most areas of the United
States, the word with is also used as an adverb: I'll come with instead of I'll come along, although it is rarely used in writing. Come with is used as an abbreviation of come with me, as in I'm going to the office – come with by speakers in Minnesota and parts of the adjoining states. This possibly
arises from German (kommst du mit?) in parts of the United States with high concentrations
of German American populations. It is similar to South African English, where the expression comes from Dutch, and is used by Afrikaans speakers when speaking English. These contractions are not used by native BrE speakers.
- The word also is used at the end of a sentence in AmE (just as as well and too are in both dialects), but not so commonly in BrE,
although it is encountered in Northern Ireland. Additionally, sentence ending as well is more formal in AmE than in BrE.
- Before some words beginning
with h with the first syllable unstressed, such as hallucination, hilarious, historic(al), horrendous, and horrific, some British writers prefer to use an over a (an historical event, etc.). An is also preferred before hotel by some writers of BrE (probably reflecting the
relatively recent adoption of the word from French, where the h is not pronounced). The use of "an" before
words beginning with an unstressed "h" is more common generally
in BrE than American. Such usage would now be seen as affected.{{cn}
American writers normally use a in all these cases, although there are occasional
uses of an historic(al) in AmE. Unlike BrE, AmE typically uses an before herb, since the h in this word is silent for most Americans.
- In AmE absent is sometimes used to introduce an absolute construction
(Absent any objections, the proposal
was approved.). This usage does not occur in BrE.
Word derivation and compounds
- Directional suffix -ward(s): British forwards, towards, rightwards, etc.; American forward, toward, rightward. In both dialects, distribution varies somewhat: afterwards, towards, and backwards are not unusual in America; while in Britain forward is common, and standard in phrasal verbs like look forward to. The forms with -s may be used as adverbs (or preposition towards), but rarely as adjectives: in Britain as in America,
one says "an upward motion". The Oxford English Dictionary in 1897 suggested a semantic distinction for adverbs,
with -wards having a more definite directional sense than -ward; subsequent authorities such as Fowler have disputed this contention.
- AmE freely adds the suffix -s to day, night, evening, weekend, Monday, etc. to form adverbs denoting repeated or customary
action: I used to stay out evenings; the library is closed Saturdays. This usage has its roots in Old English, but many
of these constructions are now regarded as American (for example, the
OED labels nights "now chiefly N. Amer. colloq."; but to work nights is standard in BrE).
- In BrE, the agentive -er suffix is commonly attached to football (also cricket; often netball; occasionally basketball). AmE usually uses football player. Where the sport's name is usable as a verb, the
suffixation is standard in both dialects: for example, golfer, bowler (in Ten-pin bowling and in Lawn Bowls), and shooter. AmE appears to sometimes use the BrE form in baller as slang for a basketball player, as in the video
game NBA Ballers. However, this is derived from slang use of to ball as a verb meaning to play basketball.
- English writers everywhere
occasionally (and from time immemorial) make new compound words from
common phrases; for example, health care is now being replaced by healthcare on both sides of the Atlantic. However, AmE has
made certain words in this fashion that are still treated as
phrases in BrE.
- In compound nouns of the form <verb><noun>, sometimes
AmE favours the bare infinitive where BrE favors the gerund. Examples include (AmE first): jump rope/skipping rope; racecar/racing car; rowboat/rowing boat; sailboat/sailing boat; file cabinet/filing cabinet; dial tone/dialling tone; drainboard/draining board.
- More generally, AmE has a
tendency to drop inflectional suffixes, thus favoring clipped forms:
compare cookbook vs. cookery book; Smith, age 40 vs. Smith, aged 40; skim milk vs. skimmed milk; dollhouse vs. doll's house; barbershop vs. barber's shop. This has recently been extended to appear on professionally
printed commercial signage and some boxes themselves (not mere greengrocers'
chalkboards): can vegetables and mash potatoes appear in the U.S.
- Singular attributives in one
country may be plural in the other, and vice versa. For example, the UK has a drugs problem while the United States has a drug problem (although the singular usage is also commonly heard in the UK); Americans read
the sports section of a newspaper, while the British are more
likely to read the sport section. In America, software is referred to as computer codes, whereas the same software in the UK would be computer code. However, BrE maths is singular, just as AmE math is: both are abbreviations of mathematics.
II.4. Social and Cultural
Differences
Lexical items that reflect separate social and cultural development.
Education
School
Primary education, Secondary education in the United Kingdom, and
Secondary education in the United States
The naming of school years
in British (except Scotland) and American English |
Age range |
British
English |
American
English |
Name |
Alternative
name |
Syllabus |
Name |
Alternative
name |
1 - 4 |
Preschool
(optional) |
|
Nursery |
Playgroup |
Foundation Stage 1 |
|
|
4 - 5 |
Primary
school |
Preschool |
Reception |
Infants reception |
Foundation Stage 2 |
Pre-kindergarten |
|
5 - 6 |
Year 1 |
Infants year 1 |
Key Stage 1 |
Kindergarten |
|
Elementary
school |
6 - 7 |
Year 2 |
Infants year 2 |
1st grade |
|
7 - 8 |
Year 3 |
Junior year 3 |
Key Stage 2 |
2nd grade |
|
8 - 9 |
Year 4 |
Junior year 4 |
3rd grade |
|
9 - 10 |
Year 5 |
Junior year 5 |
4th grade |
|
10 - 11 |
Year 6 |
Junior year 6 |
5th grade |
|
11 - 12 |
Secondary
school |
Middle
school |
Junior high school |
Year 7 |
First form |
Key Stage 3 |
6th grade |
|
12 - 13 |
Year 8 |
Second form |
7th grade |
|
13 - 14 |
Year 9 |
Third form |
8th grade |
|
14 - 15 |
Year 10 |
Fourth form |
Key Stage 4, GCSE |
High school |
9th grade |
Freshman year |
15 - 16 |
Year 11 |
Fifth form |
10th grade |
Sophomore year |
16 - 17 |
Sixth form
(optional) |
11th grade |
Junior year |
Year 12 |
Lower sixth |
Key Stage 5, A level |
17 - 18 |
Year 13 |
Upper sixth |
12th grade |
Senior year |
In the UK, the US equivalent of a high school is often referred to as a secondary school regardless of whether it is state funded or
private. Secondary education in the United States also includes middle school or junior high school, a two or three year transitional school
between elementary school and high school.
A public school has opposite meanings in the two countries. In
the US this is a government-owned institution supported by taxpayers.
In England and Wales, the term strictly refers to an ill-defined group
of prestigious private independent schools funded by students' fees,
although it is often more loosely used to refer to any independent school.
Independent schools are also known as private schools, and the latter is the correct term in Scotland
and Northern Ireland for all such fee-funded schools. Strictly, the
term public school is not used in Scotland and Northern Ireland
in the same sense as in England, but nevertheless, Gordonstoun, the
Scottish private school which Charles, Prince of Wales attended, is
sometimes referred to as a public school. Government-funded schools in Scotland and Northern
Ireland are properly referred to as state schools – but are sometimes confusingly referred to
as public schools (with the same meaning as in the US); whereas
in the US, where most public schools are administered by local governments,
a state school is typically a college or university run by one
of the states.
Speakers in both the United States and the United Kingdom use several
additional terms for specific types of secondary schools. A US prep school or preparatory school is an independent school funded by tuition
fees; the same term is used in the UK for a private school for pupils
under thirteen, designed to prepare them for fee-paying public schools.
An American parochial school covers costs through tuition and has affiliation
with a religious institution. In England, where the state-funded education
system grew from parish schools organised by the local established church,
the Church of England (C. of E., or C.E.), and many schools, especially
primary schools (up to age 11) retain a church connection and are known
as church schools, C.E. Schools or C.E. (Aided) Schools. There are also faith schools associated with the Roman Catholic Church and
other major faiths, with a mixture of funding arrangements.
In the US, a magnet school receives government funding and has special admission
requirements: students gain admission through superior performance on
admission tests. The UK has city academies, which are independent privately
sponsored schools run with public funding, and which can select up to
10% of pupils by aptitude. Also, in the UK four Local Education Authorities
retain selection by ability at eleven. They maintain Grammar Schools
(State funded secondary schools) which admit pupils according to performance
in an examination (known as the 11+) and Secondary Modern Schools for
those who fail. Secondary modern schools are often referred to as High
Schools. Grammar Schools cream from 10% to 23% of those who sit the
exam. Private schools can also call themselves Grammar schools.
University
In the UK, a university student is said to study, to read or informally simply to do a subject. In the recent past the expression 'to read a
subject' was more common at the older universities such as Oxford and
Cambridge. In the US, a student studies or majors in a subject (although concentration or emphasis is also used in some US colleges or universities to
refer to the major subject of study). To major in something refers to the student's principal course
of study, while to study may refer to any class being taken.
BrE:
"She did biology at Warwick."
(informal)
"She studied biology
at Cambridge."
"She read biology at
Cambridge."
AmE:
"She majored in biology
at Harvard."
"She concentrated in
biology at Harvard."
At university level in BrE, each module is taught by a lecturer or tutor, while professor is the job-title of a senior academic. In AmE, each class is generally taught by a professor (although some US tertiary educational institutions
follow the BrE usage), while the position of lecturer is occasionally given to individuals hired on a temporary
basis to teach one or more classes and who may or not have a doctoral
degree.
The word course in American use typically refers to the study of a restricted
topic (for example, a course in Early Medieval England, a course in Integral Calculus) over a limited period of time
(such as a semester or term) and is equivalent to a module at a British university. In the UK, a course of study is likely to refer to a whole program of study,
which may extend over several years, and be made up of any number of modules.
General terms
In the UK, a student is said to sit or take an exam, while in the US, a student takes an exam. The expression he sits for an exam also arises in BrE, but only rarely in
AmE; American lawyers-to-be sit for their bar exams, and American master's and doctoral
students may sit for their comprehensive exams, but in nearly all other
instances, Americans take their exams. When preparing for an exam, students revise (BrE)/review (AmE) what they have studied; the BrE idiom to revise for has the equivalent to review for in AmE.
Examinations are supervised by invigilators in the UK and proctors (or (exam) supervisors) in the US (a proctor in the UK is an official responsible for student discipline
at the University of Oxford or Cambridge). In the UK, a teacher sets an exam, while in the US, a teacher writes or gives an exam.
BrE:
"I sat my Spanish exam
yesterday."
"I plan to set a difficult
exam for my students, but I don't have it ready yet."
AmE:
"I took my exams at Yale."
"I spent the entire day
yesterday writing the exam. I'm almost ready to give it to my students."
Another source of confusion is the different usage of the word college. (See a full international discussion of the various
meanings at college.) In the US, this refers to a post-high school institution
that grants either associate's or bachelor's degrees, while in the UK
it refers primarily to an institution between secondary school and university
(normally referred to as a Sixth Form College after the old name in secondary education
for Years 12 and 13, the 6th form) where intermediary courses such as A Levels or NVQs
can be taken and GCSE courses can be retaken. College may sometimes
be used in the UK or in Commonwealth countries as part of the name of
a secondary or high school (for example, Dubai College). In the case
of Oxford, Cambridge, Aberdeen, London, Lancaster and Durham universities,
all members are also members of a college which is part of the university,
for example, one is a member of St. Peter's College, Oxford and hence
the University (Trinity College and University College in Dublin, however,
are both independent institutions).
In both the US and UK, college can refer to some division within a university such
as the "college of business and economics". Institutions in
the US that offer two to four years of post-high school education often
have the word college as part of their name, while those offering more advanced
degrees are called a university. (There are exceptions, of course: Boston College,
Dartmouth College and The College of William & Mary are examples
of colleges that offer advanced degrees, while Vincennes University
is an unusual example of a "university" that mostly offers
only associate's degrees.) American students who pursue a bachelor's degree (four years of higher education) or an associate degree (two years of higher education) are college students regardless of whether they attend a college
or a university and refer to their educational institutions informally
as colleges. A student who pursues a master's degree or a doctorate
degree in the arts and sciences is in AmE a graduate student; in BrE a postgraduate student although graduate student also sometimes used. Students of advanced
professional programs are known by their field (business student, law student, medical student, the last of which is frequently shortened
to med student). Some universities also have a residential college
system, the details of which may vary from school to school but generally
involve common living and dining spaces as well as college-organized
activities.
"Professor" has different meanings in BrE and AmE. In BrE,
it is the highest academic rank, followed by Reader, Senior Lecturer
and Lecturer. In AmE "Professor" refers to academic staff
of all ranks, with (Full) Professor (largely equivalent to the UK meaning)
followed by Associate Professor and Assistant Professor.
There is additionally a difference between American and British usage
in the word school. In British usage "school" by itself refers
only to primary (elementary) and secondary (high) schools, and to sixth forms attached to secondary schools – if one "goes
to school", this type of institution is implied. By contrast, an
American student at a university may talk of "going to school"
or "being in school". US law students and medical students
almost universally speak in terms of going to "law school"
and "med school", respectively. However, the word is used
in BrE in the context of higher education to describe a division grouping
together several related subjects within a university, for example a
"School of European Languages" containing departments for each language, and also in the term "art
school". It is also the name of some of the constituent colleges
of the University of London, e.g. School of Oriental and African Studies,
London School of Economics.
Among high school and college students in the United States, the words freshman (or the gender-neutral term frosh or first year), sophomore, junior and senior refer to the first, second, third, and fourth years,
respectively. For first-year students, "frosh" is another
gender-neutral term that can be used as a qualifier, for example "Frosh
class elections". It is important that the context of either high
school or college first be established, or else it must be stated directly
(that is, She is a high school freshman. He is a college junior.). Many institutions in both countries
also use the term first-year as a gender-neutral replacement for freshman, although in the US this is recent usage, formerly
referring only to those in the first year as a graduate student. One
exception is the University of Virginia; since its founding in 1819,
the terms "first-year", "second-year", "third-year",
and "fourth-year" have been used to describe undergraduate
university students. At the United States military academies, at least
those operated directly by the federal government, a different terminology
is used, namely "fourth class", "third class", "second
class", and "first class" (the order of numbering is
the reverse of the number of years in attendance). In the UK, first
year university students are often called freshers, especially early in the academic year; however, there
are no specific names for those in other years, or for school pupils.
Graduate and professional students in the United States are known by
their year of study—such as a "second-year medical student"
or a "fifth-year doctoral candidate." Law students are often
referred to as "1L", "2L", or "3L" rather
than "nth-year law students"; similarly, medical students
are frequently referred to as "M1", "M2", "M3",
or "M4").
While anyone in the US who finishes studying at any educational institution
by passing relevant examinations is said to graduate and to be a graduate, in the UK only degree and above level students can graduate. Student itself has a wider meaning in AmE, meaning any person
of any age studying at any educational institution, whereas in BrE it
tends to be used for people studying at a post-secondary educational
institution.
The names of individual institutions can be confusing. There are several
"University High Schools" in the United States that are not
affiliated with any post-secondary institutions and cannot grant degrees,
and there is one public high school, Central High School of Philadelphia,
which does grant bachelor's degrees to the top ten percent of graduating
seniors. British secondary schools often have the word 'college' in
their names.
Transport/Transportation
Americans refer to transportation and British people to transport. (Transportation in Britain has traditionally meant the punishment
of criminals by deporting them to an overseas penal colony.) British
use of the word communications encompasses the movement of goods and people
as well as of messages, whereas in America the word primarily refers
to facilities established for the sending and receiving of messages
by post or electronic transmission. The latter are normally referred
to in British English as telecommunications.
Differences in terminology are especially obvious in the context
of roads. The British term dual carriageway, in American parlance, would be a divided highway. Central reservation on a motorway in the UK would be a median or center divide on a freeway, expressway, highway, or parkway in the US. The one-way lanes that make it possible
to enter and leave such roads at an intermediate point without disrupting
the flow of traffic are generally known as slip roads in the UK, but US civil engineers call them ramps, and further distinguish between on-ramps (for entering) and off-ramps (for leaving). When American engineers speak of slip roads, they are referring to a street that runs alongside
the main road (separated by a berm) to allow off-the-highway access
to the premises that are there, sometimes also known as a frontage road
– in both the US and UK this is also known as a service road.
In the UK, the term outside lane refers to the higher-speed overtaking lane (passing lane in the US) closest to the center of the road,
while inside lane refers to the lane closer to the edge of the road.
In the US, outside lane is only used in the context of a turn, in which
case it depends on which direction the road is turning (i.e., if the
road bends right the left lane is the outside lane, but if the road bends left the right lane is
the outside lane). Both also refer to slow and fast lanes (even though all actual traffic speeds may be at
or even above the legal speed limit).
In the UK, drink driving is against the law, while in the US the term
is drunk driving. The legal term in the US is driving while intoxicated (DWI) or driving under the influence of alcohol (DUI). The equivalent
legal phrase in the UK is drunk in charge of a motor vehicle (DIC), or more commonly driving with excess alcohol.
Specific auto parts and transport terms have different names
in the two dialects, for example:
UK |
US |
bonnet |
hood |
boot |
trunk |
bumper |
fender |
car park |
parking lot |
flyover |
overpass |
lorry |
truck |
articulated lorry |
trailer truck |
pavement |
sidewalk |
petrol |
gasoline |
saloon |
sedan |
silencer |
muffler |
spanner |
wrench |
ticking over |
idling |
windscreen |
windshield |
Television
In American television, the episodes of a show first broadcast in
a particular year constitute a season, while the entire run of a show – which may span several
seasons – is called a series. In British television, on the other hand, the word series may apply to the run of a show in one particular year,
e.g. "The 1998 series of Grange Hill", referring to a programme which ran on British
television for 30 years.
Levels of buildings
There are also variations in floor numbering between the US
and UK. In most countries, including the UK, the "first floor"
is one above the entrance level while the entrance level is the "ground
floor". On (BrE) lift / (AmE) elevator buttons in the UK the Ground Floor is often denoted
by the letter G, or the number 0. Normal American usage labels the entrance
level as the "first floor" or the "ground floor",
the floor immediately above that is the "second floor".
American (AmE) apartment buildings / (BrE) blocks of flats frequently are exceptions to this rule. The
ground floor often contains the lobby and parking area for the tenants,
while the numbered floors begin one level above and contain only the
apartments themselves.Units and
measurement
Numbers
Names of numbers in English
When saying or writing out numbers, the British will typically
insert an and before the tens and units, as in one hundred and sixty-two or two thousand and three. In America, it is considered correct
to drop the and, as in two thousand three.
Some American schools teach students to pronounce
decimally written fractions (e.g. .5) as though they were longhand fractions (five tenths), such as thirteen and seven tenths for 13.7. This formality is often
dropped in common speech and is steadily disappearing in instruction
in mathematics and science as well as in international American schools.
In the UK, 13.7 would be read thirteen point seven, and 13 7⁄10
would be pronounced thirteen and seven tenths.
In counting, it is common in both varieties of English to count in
hundreds up to 1,900 – so 1,200 may be twelve hundred. However, Americans use this pattern for much
higher numbers than is the norm in British English, referring to twenty-four
hundred where British English would most often use two thousand four
hundred. Even below 2,000, Americans are more likely than the British
are to read numbers like 1,234 as twelve hundred thirty-four, instead of one thousand two hundred and thirty-four. In BrE, it is also
common to use phrases such as three and a half thousand for 3,500, whereas in AmE this construction
is almost never used for numbers under a million.
In the case of years, however, twelve thirty-four would be the norm on both sides of the Atlantic
for the year 1234. The year 2000 and years beyond it are read as two thousand, two thousand (and) one and the like by both British and American
speakers. For years after 2009, twenty ten, twenty twelve etc. are becoming common.
For the house number (or bus number, etc.) 272, British people tend
to say two seven two while Americans tend to say two seventy-two.
There is also a historical difference between billions, trillions,
and so forth. Americans use billion to mean one thousand million (1,000,000,000), whereas
in the UK, until the latter part of the 20th century, it was used to
mean one million million (1,000,000,000,000). The British prime minister,
Harold Wilson, in 1974, told the House of Commons that UK government
statistics would now use the short scale; followed by the Chancellor,
Denis Healey, in 1975, that the treasury would now adopt the US billion
version. One thousand million was sometimes described as a milliard, the definition adopted by most other European languages.
However, the "American" version has since been adopted for
all published writing, and the word milliard is obsolete in English, as are billiard (but not billiards, the game), trilliard and so on. However, the term yard, derived from milliard, is still used in the financial markets on both sides
of the Atlantic to mean "one thousand million". All major
British publications and broadcasters, including the BBC, which long
used thousand million to avoid ambiguity, now use billion to mean thousand million.
Many people have no direct experience with manipulating numbers this
large, and many non-American readers may interpret billion as 1012 (even if they are young enough to
have been taught otherwise at school); also, usage of the "long"
billion is standard in some non-English speaking countries. For these
reasons, defining the word may be advisable when writing for the public.
See long and short scales for a more detailed discussion of the evolution
of these terms in English and other languages.
When referring to the numeral 0, British people
would normally use nought, oh or zero, although nil is common in sports scores. Americans use the term zero most frequently; oh is also often used (though never when the quantity in question
is nothing), and occasionally slang terms such as zilch or zip. Phrases such as the team won two–zip or the team leads the series, two–nothing are heard when reporting
sports scores. The digit 0, for example, when reading a phone or account
number aloud, is nearly always pronounced oh in both language varieties for the sake of convenience.
In the internet age, the use of the term oh can cause certain inconveniences when one is referencing
an email address, causing confusion as to whether the character in question
is a zero or the letter O.
When reading numbers in a sequence, such as a telephone
or serial number, British people will usually use the terms double or triple/treble followed by the repeated number. Hence, 007 is double oh seven. Exceptions are the emergency telephone number
999, which is always nine nine nine, and the apocalyptic "Number of the Beast",
which is always six six six. In the US, 911 (the US emergency telephone number)
is usually read nine one one, while 9/11 (in reference to the September 11,
2001 attacks) is usually read nine eleven.
Monetary
amounts
- Monetary amounts in the range
of one to two major currency units are often spoken differently. In AmE one may say a dollar fifty or a pound eighty, whereas in BrE these amounts would be expressed one dollar fifty and one pound eighty. For amounts over a dollar, an American will generally
either drop denominations or give both dollars and cents, as in two-twenty or two dollars and twenty cents for $2.20. An American would not say two dollars twenty. On the other hand, in BrE, two pounds twenty would be the most common form. It is more common
to hear a British-English speaker say one thousand two hundred dollars than a thousand and two hundred dollars, although the latter construct is common in AmE.
The term twelve hundred dollars, popular in AmE, is frequently used in BrE but only
for exact multiples of 100 up to 1900. Speakers of BrE very rarely hear amounts over 1900 expressed
in hundreds, for example twenty-three hundred.
- In BrE, particularly in television
or radio advertisements, integers can be pronounced individually in
the expression of amounts. For example, on sale for £399 might be expressed on sale for three nine nine, though the full Three hundred and ninety-nine
pounds is at least as common. An American advertiser would
almost always say on sale for three ninety-nine. In British English the latter pronunciation implies a value in pence, so three ninety-nine would be understood as £3.99.
- The BrE slang term quid is roughly equivalent to the AmE buck and both are often used in the two respective dialects
for round amounts, as in fifty quid for £50 and twenty bucks for $20. A hundred and fifty grand in either dialect could refer to £150,000 or $150,000 depending on context. Quid was formerly also used in Ireland for the punt and
today is used for the euro.
- A user of AmE may hand-write
the mixed monetary amount $3.24 as $324 or $324 (often seen for extra clarity on a check); BrE users
will always write this as £3.24, £3·24 or, for extra clarity on a cheque, as £3—24. In all cases there may or may not be a space
after the currency symbol, or the currency symbols may be omitted depending on context.
- In order to make explicit
the amount in words on a check, Americans write three and 24⁄100 (using this solidus construction or with a horizontal division line):
they do not need to write the word dollars as it is usually already printed on the check. UK residents, on a cheque, would
write three pounds and 24 pence, three pounds ‒ 24 or three pounds ‒ 24p, since the currency unit is not preprinted. To make
unauthorized amendment difficult, it is useful to have an expression
terminator even when a whole number of dollars/pounds is in
use: thus Americans would write three and 00⁄100 or three and no⁄100 on a three-dollar check (so that it cannot easily
be changed to, for example, three million) and UK residents would write three pounds only, or three pounds exactly.
- The term pound sign in BrE always refers to the currency symbol £, whereas in AmE pound sign means the number sign, which the British call the hash symbol, #. (From the 1960s through the 1990s, the
British telephone company The GPO and its successors Post Office Telecommunications, British Telecom and BT Group, referred to this as gate on telephone keypads.)
- In spoken BrE, the word pound is sometimes colloquially used for the plural as
well. For example, three pound forty and twenty pound a week are sometimes both heard in British English. Some
other currencies do not change in the plural; yen, rand and euro being
examples. This is in addition to normal adjectival use, as in a twenty pound a week pay-rise.
- In BrE, the use of p instead of pence is common in spoken usage. Each of the following
has equal legitimacy: three pounds, twelve p, three pounds and twelve p, three pounds, twelve pence, three pounds and twelve pence, as well as just eight p or eight pence.
- AmE uses words like nickel, dime, and quarter for small coins. In BrE, the usual usage is 10-pence piece or 10p piece for any coin below £1, with piece sometimes omitted, but pound coin and two-pound coin. BrE did have specific words for a number of coins before decimalisation.
Dates
Dates are usually written differently in the short (numerical) form.
Christmas Day 2000, for example, is 25/12/00 or 25.12.00 (dashes are
occasionally used) in the UK and 12/25/00 in the US, although the formats
25/12/2000, 25.12.2000, and 12/25/2000 now have more currency
than they had before the Year 2000 problem. Occasionally other formats
are encountered, such as the ISO 8601 2000-12-25, popular among programmers,
scientists, and others seeking to avoid ambiguity, and to make alphanumerical
order coincide with chronological order. The difference in short-form
date order can lead to misunderstanding. For example, 06/04/05 could
mean either June 4, 2005 (if read as US format), 6 April 2005 (if seen
as in UK format), or even 5 April 2006 if taken to be an older ISO 8601-style
format where 2-digit years were allowed.
A consequence of the different short-form of dates is that, in the
UK, many people would be reluctant to refer to "9/11",
although its meaning would be instantly understood. On the BBC, "September
the 11th" is generally used in preference to 9/11. However, 9/11
is commonplace in the British press to refer to the events of September
11, 2001.
When using the word of the month, rather than the number, to write
a date e.g. April 21, both that and 21 April are used in the
UK, but as a rule only April 21 would be seen in the U.S.
Phrases such as the following are common in Britain but are generally
unknown in the U.S: "A week today", "a week tomorrow",
"a week on Tuesday", "a week Tuesday", "Tuesday
week" (this is found in central Texas), "Friday fortnight",
"a fortnight on Friday" and "a fortnight Friday"
(these latter referring to two weeks after "next Friday").
In the US the standard construction is "a week from today",
"a week from tomorrow" etc. BrE speakers may also say "Thursday
last" or "Thursday gone" where AmE would prefer "last
Thursday". "I'll see you (on) Thursday coming" or "Let's
meet this coming Thursday" in BrE refer to a meeting later this
week, while "Not until Thursday next" refers to one next week.
Time
The 24-hour clock (18:00 or 1800) is considered normal in the UK and Europe in many applications
including air, rail and bus timetables; it is largely unused in the
US outside of military, police and medical applications.
Fifteen minutes after the hour is called quarter past in British usage and a quarter after or, less commonly, a quarter past in American usage. Fifteen minutes before the
hour is usually called quarter to in British usage and a quarter of, a quarter to or a quarter till in American usage; the form a quarter to is associated with parts of the Northern United
States, while a quarter till is found chiefly in the Appalachian region.
Thirty minutes after the hour is commonly called half past in both BrE and AmE; half after used to be more common in the US. In informal British
speech, the preposition is sometimes omitted, so that 5:30 may be referred
to as half five. The AmE formations top of the hour and bottom of the hour are not commonly used in BrE. Forms like eleven forty are common in both dialects.
Greetings
Holiday greetings
When Christmas is explicitly mentioned in a greeting, the universal
phrasing in North America is Merry Christmas. In the UK, Happy Christmas is also heard. It is increasingly common for
Americans to say Happy Holidays, referring to all winter holidays (Christmas,
Yule, New Year's Day, Hanukkah, Diwali, St. Lucia Day and Kwanzaa) while
avoiding any specific religious reference, though this is rarely, if
ever, heard in the UK. Season's Greetings is a less common phrase in both America
and Britain.
Idiosyncratic
differences
Figures
of speech
Both BrE and AmE use the expression "I couldn't care less"
to mean the speaker does not care at all. Speakers of AmE sometimes
state this as "I could care less", literally meaning precisely the opposite.
Intonation no longer reflects the originally sarcastic nature of this
variant, which is not idiomatic in BrE.
In both areas, saying, "I don't mind" often means, "I'm
not annoyed" (for example, by someone's smoking), while
"I don't care" often means, "The matter is trivial or
boring". However, in answering a question like "Tea or coffee?",
if either alternative is equally acceptable, an American may answer,
"I don't care", while a British person may answer, "I
don't mind". Either sounds odd to the other.
In BrE, the phrase I can't be arsed (to do something) is a vulgar equivalent to
the British or American I can't be bothered (to do it). To non-BrE speakers this may
be confused with the Southern English pronunciation of I can't be asked (to do that thing), which sounds either defiantly
rude or nonsensical.
Old BrE often uses the exclamation "No fear!" where current
AmE has "No way!" An example from Dorothy L. Sayers:
Q.: Wilt thou be baptized
in this faith?
A.: No fear!
— from A Catechism for Pre- and Post-Christian
Anglicans
This usage may confuse users of AmE, who are likely to interpret and
even use "No fear!" as enthusiastic willingness to move forward.
Equivalent Idioms
A number of English idioms that have essentially the same meaning
show lexical differences between the British and the American version;
for instance:
British
English |
American
English |
not touch
something with a bargepole |
not touch
something with a ten-foot pole |
sweep
under the carpet |
sweep
under the rug |
touch
wood |
knock
on wood |
see the
wood for the trees |
see the
forest for the trees |
throw
a spanner (in the works) |
throw
a (monkey) wrench (in the works) |
skeleton
in the cupboard |
skeleton
in the closet |
a home
from home |
a home
away from home |
blow one's trumpet |
blow (or toot) one's horn |
a drop
in the ocean |
a drop
in the bucket |
storm
in a teacup |
tempest
in a teapot |
flogging
a dead horse |
beating
a dead horse |
haven't
(got) a clue |
don't
have a clue or have no clue |
a new
lease of life |
a new
lease on life |
if the
cap fits (wear it) |
if the
shoe fits (wear it) |
lie of
the land |
lay of
the land |
In some cases, the "American" variant is also used in BrE,
or vice versa.
Sometimes, the words in titles of publications, newspaper headlines,
as well as chapter and section headings are capitalized in the same
manner as in normal sentences. That is, only the first letter of the
first word is capitalized, along with proper nouns.
However, publishers sometimes require additional words in titles
and headlines to have the initial capital, for added emphasis, as it
is often perceived as appearing more professional. In AmE, this is common
in titles, but less so in newspaper headlines. The exact rules differ
between publishers and are often ambiguous; a typical approach is to
capitalize all words other than short articles, prepositions, and conjunctions.
This should probably be regarded as a common stylistic difference, rather
than a linguistic difference, as neither form would be considered incorrect
or unusual in either the UK or the US. Many British tabloid newspapers
(such as The Sun, The Daily Sport, News of the World) use fully capitalized headlines for impact,
as opposed to readability (for example, BERLIN WALL FALLS or BIRD FLU
PANIC). On the other hand, the broadsheets (such as The Guardian, The Times, and The Independent) usually follow the sentence style of having
only the first letter of the first word capitalized.
Conclusion
In the early part of the seventeenth century English
settlers began to bring their language to America and another series
of changes began to take place.
The settlers borrowed words
from Indian languages for such strange trees as the hickory and persimmon,
such unfamiliar animals as raccoons and woodchucks. Later they borrowed other words from
settlers from other countries – for instance, chowder and prairie
from the French, scow and sleigh from the Dutch. They made new combinations
of English words, such as backwoods and bullfrog, or gave old English
words entirely new meanings, such as lumber (which in British English
means approximately junk) and corn (which in British means any grain,
especially wheat). Some of the new terms were needed, because there
were new and un-English things to talk about. Others can be explained
only on the general theory that languages are always changing, and American
English is no exception.
Aside from the new vocabulary,
differences in pronunciation, in grammatical construction, and especially
in intonation developed. If the colonization had taken place a few centuries
earlier, American might have become as different from English as French
is from Italian. But the settlement occurred after the invention of
printing, and continued through a period when the idea of educating
everybody was making rapid progress. For a long time most of the books
read in America came from England, and a surprising number of Americans
read those books, in or out of school. Moreover, most of the colonists
seem to have felt strong ties with England. In this they were unlike
their Anglo- Saxon ancestors, who apparently made a clean break with
their continental homes.
A good many Englishmen and
some Americans used to condemn every difference that did develop, and
as recently as a generation ago it was not unusual to hear all “Americanisms”
condemned, even in America. It is now generally recognized in this country
that we are not bound to the Queen’s English, but have a full right
to work out our own habits. Even a good many of the English now concede
this, though some of them object strongly to the fact that Americanisms
are now having an influence on British usage.
There are thousands of differences
in detail between British and American
English, and occasionally
they crowd together enough to make some difficulty.
If you read that a man, having
trouble with his lorry, got out his spanner and lifted the bonnet
to see what was the matter, you might not realize that the driver of
the truck had taken out his wrench and lifted the hood. It is amusing
to play with such differences, but the theory that the American language
is now essentially different from English does not hold up. It is often
very difficult to decide whether a book was written by an American or
an English man. Even in speech it would be hard to prove that national
differences are greater than some local differences in either country.
On the whole, it now seems probable that the language habits of the
two countries will grow more, rather than less, alike, although some
differences will undoubtedly remain and others may develop.
It also seems probable that
there will be narrow-minded and snobbish people in both countries for
some time to come. But generally speaking, anybody who learns to speak
and write the standard English of his own country, and to regard that of the other country
as a legitimate variety with certain interesting differences, will have
little trouble wherever he goes.
Having studied the main peculiarities of British and American variants
in the English Language
we came to the conclusion that exist the following
differences:
Lexical differences
Lexical differences of American variant highly extensive
on the strength of multiple borrowing from Spanish and Indian languages,
what was not in British English.
American variant
British variant
Subway
«метро»
underground
the movies
«кинотеатр»
the cinema
shop
«магазин»
store
sidewalk
«тротуар»
pavement
line
«очередь»
queue
soccer
«футбол»
football
mailman
«почтальон»
postman
vacation
«каникулы»
holiday
corn
«кукуруза»
maize
fall
«осень»
autumn
Also claim attention differences in writing some
words in American and British variants of language.
For instance, following:
American
variant British variant
honor
honour
traveler
traveller
plow
plough
defense
defence
jail
gaol
center
centre
apologize
apologise
Grammatical
differences
Grammatical differences of
American variant consist in following:
1. In that events, when Britainians use Present Perfect,
in Staffs can beused and Present Perfect, and Past Simple.
2. Take a shower/a bath instead of have a shower/a
bath.
3. Shall is not used. In all persons is used by will.
4. Needn't (do) usually is not used. Accustomed form
-don't need to (do).
5. After demand, insist, require etc should usually
is NOT used. I demanded that he apologize (instead of I demanded that
he should apologies in British variant).
6. to/in THE hospital instead of to/in hospital in
BrE.
7. on the weekend/on weekend instead of at the weekend/at
weekend.
8. on a street instead of in a street.
9. Different from or than instead of different to/from
10. Write is used with to or without the pretext.
11. Past participle of "got" is "gotten"
12. To burn, to spoil and other verbs, which can be
regular or irregular in the British variant, in the American variant
ALWAYS regular.
13. Past Perfect, as a rule, is not used completely.
I. English is the national language of England proper,
the USA, Australia and some provinces of Canada. It was also at
different times imposed on the inhabitants of the former and present
British colonies and protectorates as well as other Britain- and US-dominated
territories, where the population has always stuck to its own mother
tongue.
II. British English, American English and Australian
English are variants of the same language, because they serve all spheres
of verbal communication. Their structural peculiarities, especially
morphology, syntax and word-formation, as well as their word-stock and
phonetic system are essentially the same. American and Australian standards
are slight modifications of the norms accepted in the British Isles.
The status of Canadian English ‘has not yet been established.
III. The main lexical differences between the variants
are caused by the lack of equivalent lexical units in one of them, divergences
in the semantic structures of polysemantic words and peculiarities of
usage of some words on different territories.
IV. The British local dialects can be traced back to
Old English dialects. Numerous and distinct, they are characterized
by phonemic and structural peculiarities. The local dialects are being
gradually replaced by regional variants of the literary language, i.
e. by a literary standard with a proportion of local dialect features.
V. The so-called local dialects in the British Isles
and in the USA are used only by the rural population and only for the
purposes of oral communication. In both variants local distinctions
are more marked in pronunciation, less conspicuous in vocabulary and
insignificant in grammar.
VI. Local variations in the USA are relatively small.
What is called by tradition American dialects is closer in nature to
regional variants of the national literary language.
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